The most important of Alexander's foreign policy 3. Alexander the Third: domestic and foreign policy

Ruled for a not too long period of time - from 1881 to 1894. During his reign he earned the nickname "Peacemaker".

The reign of this Russian emperor was indeed unusually peaceful as far as foreign policy was concerned.

Alexander considered his main tasks upon ascending the throne to be the search for allies and maintaining peaceful relations with all countries, and only then he thought about strengthening his influence in the Balkans, consolidating his position in the Far East and establishing borders in Central Asia.

Russia in the Balkans

At this time, the influence of Austria-Hungary in this territory increased significantly, and after 1879, in which Bulgaria gained independence, it became a stumbling block between the two powers.

At first, Russia supported Bulgaria and even provided it with a draft constitution, but when the unification of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia took place without its knowledge, the emperor became angry and left Bulgaria alone with its foreign policy problems.

So Russia, in fact, turned into an ally of Turkey, undermining its positions not only in Bulgaria, but also in Romania and Serbia.

The search for allies in the 1880s was complicated by Anglo-Russian relations due to clashes between powers in Central Asia, Turkey and the Balkans. A similar situation has developed in relations between France and Germany. It is not surprising that Germany and France began to look for an opportunity to enter into an alliance with the Russian Empire.

In June 1881, the three powers signed an Austro-Russian-German treaty, which provided for the benevolent neutrality of each side in the event that one of them found itself at war with a fourth state.

However, in 1882, the Triple Alliance was concluded, which provided for assistance to each other by Germany, Italy and Austria-Hungary in the event of war with Russia or France. Having learned about this, Alexander III continued the search for allies.

To avoid war with Germany, Russia began a rapprochement with France in the late 1880s. The French government provided Russia with significant loans, and also paid a friendship visit to Kronstadt in 1891. In the same year, negotiations began and the development of an agreement between the powers, which was signed on August 15.

Under its terms, Russia pledged to support France with troops if it was attacked by Germany or Italy with German support. In turn, France was supposed to provide similar assistance to Russia if it were attacked by Germany or Austria-Hungary with German support. The treaty was valid as long as the Triple Alliance existed.

Russia in Central Asia

After the Kokand Khanate, Kazakhstan, the Khavin Khanate and the Bukhara Emirate joined, the Turkmen tribes continued to join. In total, during the reign of Emperor Alexander III, the area of ​​the empire increased by 430,000 square kilometers.

Far East

At the end of the 19th century, the influence of Japan was very strong in this region, which began real expansion, creating a modern army and navy with the support of Germany, the USA and England. Japan behaved especially aggressively towards China and Korea.

France, Germany, and Russia eventually protested the legality of Japan's land grabs and forced Japan to reach an agreement with Russia over the former's right to keep troops in Korea.

Thus, the Russian Empire became Japan's rival in this region, but it was not ready for military clashes. To increase its own strength and influence in the Far East, Russia in 1891 launched the construction of the Great Siberian Railway, which would connect Chelyabinsk and Vladivostok.

Results

During the entire period of his reign, Russia did not enter into a single war, although the emperor took over at a moment that was far from being the most favorable for the state. He managed to raise the prestige of the empire in the international arena without resorting to violence - this merit was noted not only by the ruler’s compatriots, but also by French and even German diplomats and politicians.

“Peacemaker” - this is how the reign of Alexander 3 was described. The internal one was carried out brilliantly by this sovereign. He was not prepared to be the heir to the throne, but due to tragic circumstances, Alexander had to become one. Loving his homeland, caring for his people, their identity, he managed to raise the state, exhausted by the war with the Turks, financially and morally. This is one of the few sovereigns who managed to provide his people with a life without war, because during his reign the Russian Empire had no conflicts with any of the states. In the article we will tell you what kind of emperor Alexander 3 was. Domestic and foreign policies will also be briefly described and analyzed.

Alexander III: accession to the throne

How did Alexander come to the Russian throne? He was not born heir to the throne. His elder brother, Nicholas, was to inherit the crown. However, the latter dies. Accordingly, young Alexander is urgently being prepared so that he can take over the work of his father, Emperor Alexander II, with dignity.

In general, Alexander III was prepared for a brilliant military career, but the plans were not destined to come true. After the death of his brother, Tsarevich Nicholas, Alexander was urgently taught foreign languages, geography and other sciences necessary for the future emperor.

Along with the crown from Nicholas, Alexander also receives a bride, the Princess of Denmark, who received the name Maria in baptism. The young people were so shocked by the death of the Tsarevich, with whom they were on friendly terms, that they named their first-born Nicholas.

What did Alexander III receive at the beginning of his reign? A country devastated and exhausted by the Russian-Turkish war, anti-government sentiment rampant in all public groups. Let us recall that the emperor’s father, Alexander II, died at the hands of terrorists.

Zemstvo and judicial reforms

On March 1, 1881, Alexander III ascended the throne. Domestic and foreign policy can be briefly characterized as follows: firmness and determination. Let's look at the main aspects.

The first thing the new sovereign took on was the suppression of all kinds of freethinking. He believed that it was precisely this that was to blame for most of Russia’s troubles. Do not forget that his father also became a victim of terror, which arose from excessive education. Alexander II was a guardian of education; in contrast, Alexander III made a number of decisions.

In 1884, a decree was issued concerning the activities of universities (the emperor considered them to be a hotbed of freethinking). The document abolished all kinds of meetings within educational institutions, prohibited student courts; access to higher education was closed to the lower classes.

As for local power, it was strengthened by the following measures: zemstvos began to be strictly controlled by governors, and the rights of officials were sharply curtailed. Officials were only from the upper strata; the peasantry was not allowed into power and did not participate in elections.

There have also been changes in the judicial system. They are closely related to reforms in zemstvos. The courts were now directly subordinate to the state, publicity in proceedings was quite strictly limited, and qualifications were also introduced for jurors.

The situation of the peasants

Alexander III also affected the peasantry. Their position after the famous reform of 1861 was unenviable: lack of money to buy land, debts, inability to run their own business - all this forced ruined people to leave for the cities. Alexander III makes a number of decisions to stabilize the situation. Thus, peasants' debts are forgiven and the tax rate on land purchases is reduced. A special Peasant Bank is also being created, where people could take out loans for farming (interest rates were low).

Thus, agriculture in the country begins to develop, centers specializing in a certain area appear: industrial crops (Baltics), grains (Ukraine), livestock breeding (Ryazan, Nizhny Novgorod, etc.)

Military reform

The domestic policy and foreign policy of Alexander 3 were aimed at strengthening autocracy within the country. Military reform contributed to this for many.

Do not forget that Alexander was initially prepared for a military career; he knew this matter well and understood it. Although Russia did not fight wars during his reign, the army became very strong. All kinds of defensive structures and mountain divisions were created, and great importance was given to both cavalry and infantry.

For the purpose of training, cadet corps are opened on the basis of military gymnasiums. Not only young soldiers are being trained, but command staff are also being trained. Promotion is based only on seniority.

A special role is assigned to military infrastructure. This is how special railway brigades arise, called upon to deliver employees to their places of deployment when necessary.

Another innovation is the armament of the army. The three-line rifle becomes the main weapon, the shape changes (it is now more convenient for soldiers).

National reforms

The domestic policy and foreign policy of Alexander 3 were also strengthened due to a tough national position. The idea that the Russian Empire was intended only for Russians came precisely from the lips of Alexander III. Many are based precisely on this idea.

The Emperor is taking serious steps to strengthen the Orthodox faith. The border regions of the country were especially weak in this regard. Active construction of Orthodox churches begins. At the state level, citizens of non-Orthodox faith and non-Russian nationalities are beginning to be oppressed. The Poles and Jews suffered the most. Russification work is underway in Ukraine and the Baltic states.

Financial system and industry

The domestic policy and foreign policy of Alexander 3 were based on the realities of which emperor received the country. It was in great economic decline. Accordingly, one of the main tasks that needed to be solved was to lead the country out of the economic crisis. To this end, the best figures of the era are involved in reforms in the financial and industrial spheres.

Thus, Bunge proposed abolishing the poll tax; instead, it was proposed to pay excise taxes on alcohol, tobacco, sugar or oil. In addition, the tax rate on property, for example, on land and city real estate, increases. In order to reduce the budget deficit, customs duties are increased.

As for industry, it is growing at a rapid pace. Metallurgy, textile and engineering production are particularly thriving. The latest methods of oil production are being developed. Thus, according to this indicator, Russia comes out on top.

Let us briefly show what reforms Alexander III carried out. Foreign and domestic policies (table):

Domestic policy

As for foreign policy, it is not for nothing that this emperor is called a “peacemaker” - he did his best to protect his country from military conflicts. He also attracted other countries to similar actions.

During his reign, the Russian Empire became closer to Great Britain and France, but weakened its position in the Balkans.

Confrontation with Germany in terms of customs relations has strained economic relations.

Thus, the domestic policy and foreign policy of Alexander 3 contributed to the economic, national and industrial rise of the country.

3. Domestic and foreign policy of Alexander III the Peacemaker (1881 – 1894)

The coming to power of Alexander III marked a new turn from liberal reformism to reaction. “Liberal” ministers were dismissed. In April 1881, a manifesto “on the inviolability of autocracy” was published. The local administration could close educational institutions, press organs, and suspend the activities of zemstvos and city councils.

Alexander III, who considered the reforms of Alexander II too liberal, began the era counter-reforms.

Counter-reforms in the press and education. In 1882, preliminary censorship was restored and strict supervision of newspapers and magazines was established. In 1883-1884. All radical and many liberal publications were closed.

The introduction of the new university charter of 1884 eliminated the autonomy of universities and strengthened supervision over teaching staff and students. Tuition fees have increased fivefold. Decree of 1887 "About the Cook's Children" It is prohibited to admit children of lower classes to the gymnasium.

Agrarian question. The government sought to stop the decay of the peasantry. In the late 1880s - early 1890s. it issues a series of laws that consolidate the community as a tax-paying unit and make it difficult for peasants to leave it.

At the same time, the autocracy passes laws aimed at strengthening the nobility and supporting noble land ownership. The establishment of the Peasant and Noble Banks served this purpose.

Governance counter-reforms. In the field of management, the crown of reactionary policy was the establishment in 1889 of the position of zemstvo chiefs. These officials were appointed from the nobility, they controlled the activities of self-government.

After this, zemstvo and city counter-reforms were carried out. The powers of zemstvos are limited. The administration's control over them has been strengthened.

The historical significance of the counter-reforms is that the autocracy tried to strengthen its social base - the landowner class. Nevertheless, the process of development of capitalism in Russia was gaining momentum.

Alexander's foreign policyIII. In the field of foreign policy, the period of the reign of Alexander III is characterized by an almost complete absence of wars: only small military operations in Turkmenistan - this completed the annexation of Central Asia to Russia. This strained relations with England, which had its own interests in this region.

In Europe, there was a turn in the orientation of Russian foreign policy from Germany to rapprochement with France. After the formation of the Triple Alliance in 1882, consisting of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy, it became clear that France should be Russia's natural ally in this balance of power. Thus, a system of two military political alliances took shape in Europe.

So, the patriarchal rule of Alexander III, in general, was only able to provide a 20-year delay in the social explosion and thereby, perhaps, give it even greater strength, although Russia’s finances at that time were in relative order, the foreign policy situation was relatively stable, there was revolutionary ferment driven deep inside and did not particularly bother the police.

4. Ideological struggle and social movement in the second half of the nineteenth century.

During the reign of Alexander II, there was a significant radicalization of the liberal social movement. After the death of Nicholas II, numerous (compared to the previous period) periodicals appeared that openly discussed the prospects for reforming the country. In addition to legal magazines such as "Russian Messenger" And "Russian conversation"", illegal publications are also imported into Russia; in particular, the most popular was the collection published in London A. I. Herzen And N. P. Ogarev “Polar Star” and newspaper "Bell"(published before 1867 G.). In the 1860s. magazine appears "Bulletin of Europe" and the newspaper "Russian Vedomosti". Representatives of the liberal movement advocated the initiation of reforms that would gradually lead to the abolition of serfdom and a change in the entire political system (“Letter to the Publisher” K. D. Kavelina And B. N. Chicherina). The Tver noble assembly took a special initiative, proposing a scheme for the liberation of peasants for ransom ( 1862 G.). Although this initiative was not supported, already in 1865 representatives of the Moscow nobility appealed to Alexander II to form a representative institution.

The magazine Sovremennik, headed by its editor, became the mouthpiece of revolutionary figures N. G. Chernyshevsky. The pages of this publication published articles on the most pressing topics (serfdom, bureaucratic system, bodies of popular representation). Some revolutionary democrats distributed proclamations in which they sometimes openly called for the overthrow of the existing system. The students were also characterized by radical sentiments at that time. Students staged demonstrations against government interference in the internal affairs of universities (Moscow and St. Petersburg Universities, 1861), and the creation and functioning of various circles and associations continued.

IN 1861 was formed "Land and Freedom". The participants of this illegal revolutionary organization were M. L. Mikhailov, L. A. Sleptsov, N. V. Shelgunov. The revolutionaries had at their disposal a printing house in which proclamations and other revolutionary literature were printed. The organizers of “Land and Freedom” planned to organize an uprising because they were not satisfied with the recently carried out peasant reform. Soon many members of the organization were arrested and 1864 "Land and Freedom" collapsed.

If before the 1860s. The government tolerated the presence of printed publications expressing liberal and even radical political views, then, starting in 1862, their gradual closure began. So it was closed "Contemporary" and N.G. Chernyshevsky and a number of other authors who regularly published in this magazine were arrested and then exiled. The magazine was also closed "Russian word". Subsequent radical measures regarding the press were associated with the unsuccessful attempt on the life of Alexander II, who was shot by a member of the circle I. A. Khudyakova in St. Petersburg. After the assassination attempt, Karakozov, who shot at the Tsar, was caught and executed; the remaining members of the circle, who were caught, were arrested and sent to hard labor.

However, despite the harsh repressive measures, new radical circles and organizations are being formed. IN 1869 was created in Moscow "People's Massacre" at the head with S. G. Nechaev, one name of which spoke about the level of radicalism of its members. After the murder of one of the organization’s members for violating discipline, student Ivanov, “People’s Retribution” was defeated and all its members were arrested. Nechaev, who initially managed to escape abroad, was soon extradited to Russia. In the same 1869, another illegal organization emerged under the leadership N.V. Tchaikovsky. Its participants printed revolutionary literature and distributed it throughout the country. The organization had a fairly branched structure with several branches.

A special stage of social thought in the second half of the 19th century. was the formation of the ideology of populism, which absorbed the ideas of Chernyshevsky and Herzen. P. A. Lavrov, M. A. Bakunin And P. N. Tkachev formulated the basic principles of the new movement, representing its three main directions. Thus, Lavrov considered the main driving force of the revolution to be the intelligentsia, which, having lived for so long at the expense of the peasant masses and feeling guilty for this, should do everything possible to improve the situation of the peasants. Bakunin was an ideologist of anarchism, i.e., in principle, he did not recognize the state as one or another form of governing society and called for spontaneous rebellion. Instead of the state and its inherent bureaucratic system, Bakunin proposed creating a federation of communities, volosts, etc., which, from his point of view, best corresponded to the needs and requirements of the people. Tkachev was a supporter of the revolution, which should be carried out by a narrow group of conspirators. Tkachev assessed the role of the masses in the revolutionary and post-revolutionary process very skeptically, which is why his position was the least popular.

Since the mid-1870s. a movement called "going to the people." This event was attended by thousands of supporters of the populist movement and people simply sympathizing with its ideas. Some of the participants in “going to the people” set themselves completely peaceful goals: they went to the people to teach children, to be doctors, etc. However, many, along with this, were engaged in the propaganda of socialist ideas and tried to organize branches of a populist organization locally. These attempts did not bring much success, and many populists were handed over to the police by the peasants themselves. IN 1877-1878 gg. the so-called "process of 193" at which the most active participants in this movement were convicted and expelled.

IN 1876 An organization with the same name was created "Land and Freedom". Its organizers were A. D. Mikhailov, M. A. Nathanson, G. V. Plekhanov. With the help of branches established throughout the country, the organization gained great popularity and attracted many new members to its ranks. Participants in the renewed “Land and Freedom” launched extensive activities: a newspaper was published and revolutionary proclamations were published. However, the new “Land and Freedom” was not limited to publishing activities. IN 1878 g. participant of “Land and Freedom” Vera Zasulich wounded F.F. Trepov, the St. Petersburg mayor. This assassination attempt was a reaction to Trepov's poor treatment of political prisoners. Zasulich was arrested and tried, but the jury acquitted her. This process and its result indicated that public sympathy was not on the side of the authorities. The next attempt was the murder of the chief of gendarmes N.V. Mezentsev (1878), the next year Prince D.N. Kropotkin, who held the post of Kharkov Governor-General, was killed. In 1879, there was another unsuccessful attempt on the life of Alexander II. In response to this, the government intensified repressive measures; in some regions of the country, governors-general were given emergency powers; in addition, military courts began to be used for such cases. In 1879, “Land and Freedom” split into several organizations: “Black redistribution” (G. V. Plekhanov) And "People's Will"(A. D. Mikhailov, V. N. Figner, S. L. Perovskaya and a number of others). If Plekhanov's followers demanded a rejection of terrorist methods of struggle, the second group considered this method the only possible one under the current conditions.

In conditions when most of society, including many nobles, were sympathetic to the terrorist acts committed by the Narodnaya Volya, Alexander II appointed the liberal Minister of Internal Affairs M. T. Loris-Melikova. At the very beginning of 1881, the new minister, simultaneously with the tightening of measures against the Narodnaya Volya and other revolutionaries, proposed for the consideration of the tsar a project for the creation of special commissions to discuss further reforms. In essence, the matter was about the formation of a people's representative office with legislative functions. According to some reports, Alexander II declared his agreement with this plan (March 1), but did not have time to implement Loris-Melikov’s project, since on the same day the Narodnaya Volya member of the “Narodnaya Volya” was killed. I. I. Grinevitsky.

Despite the fact that immediately after the assassination of Alexander II, some liberal-minded nobles came out with a condemnation of the terrorists and a call to continue the reforms that had begun, Alexander III immediately began to pursue a policy aimed at tightening repressive measures against the opposition. The main printed publications that reflected state ideology were "Moskovskie Vedomosti" "Russian Herald"(Chief Editor M. N. Katkov), as well as a magazine "Citizen"(led by Prince V. P. Meshchersky). Chief Prosecutor of the Synod becomes a prominent ideologist of counter-reforms K. P. Pobedonostsev.

After 1881, Narodnaya Volya practically ceased to exist, as most of its active members were either arrested or on the run. Nevertheless, this organization did not disappear completely without a trace: various circles and associations continued to exist in one form or another. Some of them abandoned terrorist methods of struggle (the so-called "liberal populists" headed by N.K. Mikhailovsky), some tried to continue organizing political murders (a circle in which Lenin’s brother was a member - A. I. Ulyanov(1887)).

In the 1880s There is a transformation of previously existing revolutionary democratic associations. IN 1883 In Switzerland, the social-democratic group “Emancipation of Labor” was created, which was headed by members of the “Black Redistribution”, which at one time broke away from “Land and Freedom”. Its organizers were G.V. Plekhanov, L. G. Deich, V. I. Zasulich. The group was engaged in active propaganda and publishing activities, transporting illegal literature to Russia through various routes. The new organization opposed previous methods of struggle (including methods of individual terror). Its ideologists, primarily Plekhanov, considered the accomplishment of a bourgeois-democratic revolution to be a necessary stage on the path to the socialist revolution. Otherwise, in his opinion, the socialist revolution in the current conditions will be defeated, since in order to accomplish it it is necessary to reform all political institutions. The activities of the “Emancipation of Labor” group gave impetus to the formation of numerous Marxist circles throughout Russia.

In foreign affairs he followed in the footsteps of his father, not his grandfather. More consistent than Nicholas I, Alexander III, with rare firmness, adhered to protective principles here and was a reliable support for world order and silence. He had not yet given up the ghost when, through the lips of the influential Lord Rosebery in England, Europe expressed to him “infinite gratitude” for the fact that “his slogan was the words - truth in diplomacy and peace.”

Emperor Alexander III (1881-1894)

This title is all the more deserved because it testified to the conscious self-restraint of a powerful power. Russia of Alexander III had a strong army. It maintained 900 thousand soldiers in peacetime, and during war it could field up to 4 million soldiers. Throughout the reign, no expense was spared on rearmament, strengthening the composition of units, building new fortresses and improving old ones. The fleet, one might say, has emerged anew. Military harbors were strengthened and the port of Libau was created. However, a spirit of peace was revealed immediately upon the accession of Alexander III to the throne. The powers were told that the new emperor was “called upon to protect the common peace” and that “Russia’s first responsibility was to take care of itself,” and that it was devoting itself to “internal work.”

In confirmation of these words, measures followed that were supposed to reassure Catholics and cool both the hopes of Germany’s enemies and the passions of “ Pan-Slavists" Soon there was an agreement with the pope (1883); the Catholic hierarchy was restored in Russia and the Polish bishops exiled to Siberia in 1863 were returned. At the same time, the enemies of Germany retired Ignatiev And Gorchakov(d. 1883); the place of the latter was taken by the submissive, silent, reserved Gears(d. 1895), who sympathized with the Germans, but was also good with the French.

Foreign policy of Alexander III. Video tutorial

At first it even seemed that “Prussian friendship” or the Holy Alliance would be resurrected in St. Petersburg: in 1881 - 85. meetings of three emperors took place (Danzig, Skierniewitz, Kremsir); and in 1888 WilliamII visited Russia. The tsar's return visit followed only in October 1889. But at the same time Bismarck increasingly developed his new Triple Alliance(Prussia, Austria, Italy), directed against France and Russia. In response, Russia followed with tariffs that were restrictive for Germany, measures against the Germans in the Baltic and Western regions (a decree in May 1887), and even the concentration of troops on the western border. Prussia responded with a war against Russian credit, devaluing our funds on the stock exchange.

The French took advantage of this: they opened up rich credit for Russian loans. In 1891, their squadron, under the command of Admiral Gervais, was received in Kronstadt with special solemnity and popular cordiality, and in 1893 the French received our sailors even more enthusiastically in Toulon and Paris. At the same time, a “tariff war” broke out between Russia and Germany. However, this war did not take long to end with a trade agreement.

Friendship between Russia and France was cemented by their distrustful attitude towards England, which encountered them in Africa and Asia. The British were afraid of the influence that Russia had acquired in Persia, Korea, and especially in Central Asia. The Russians naturally kept moving forward towards Afghanistan. After the conquest by the general Skobelev Ahal-Teke and the voluntary annexation of Merv-Teke, General Komarov came across a detachment of Afghans at Kushka and pushed it back (1885). The British were worried: everyone was expecting a fight between the “elephant and the whale” - the strongest land and most powerful sea power. But the matter ended peacefully: the British recognized the strip of land between the Amu Darya and Murghab as the border (1887).

The rivalry between Russia and England was also reflected in the affairs of Bulgaria, which was a constant subject of concern in the foreign policy of Alexander III. England, with the help of Germany, Austria and Italy, tried to oust Russian influence from Bulgaria. The first Bulgarian prince, Alexander of Battenberg (d. 1893), a cousin of Alexander III and an officer in the Russian cavalry, abolished the constitution created by Alexander II during the liberation of Bulgaria, and began to expel Russian officers and officials who, in the opinion of the Bulgarians, wanted to convert their country into Russian province. To strengthen himself in the fight against Russia, Battenberg convened a meeting, which restored the constitution and determined to appoint officers from the natives. Then Eastern Rumelia, at the request of the people, joined Bulgaria (1885). Then Alexander III excluded the Bulgarian prince from the lists of the Russian army; Russophiles in Sofia (Tsankov, Benderev) carried out the “kidnapping of the prince”; Battenberg was taken from Bulgaria (September 1886). The Russian candidacy was not, however, successful; The Bulgarians chose the Germanophile Ferdinand of Coburg (1887) as their prince. Since then, Bulgaria has calmed down, and this issue has disappeared from the stage of our foreign policy for a long time.