Gorchakov, Prince Alexander Mikhailovich. Prince Gorchakov: great chancellor of the empire, last lyceum student

Alexander Gorchakov was born on June 15, 1798 in the Estonian city of Gapsala in the family of Major General Prince Mikhail Gorchakov and Baroness Elena Dorothea Fersen.

“Gorchakov came from an aristocratic family, albeit not a very rich one, and this largely determined his future life,” the candidate said in an interview with RT historical sciences, Associate Professor, Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov Oleg Airapetov.

The young prince received his education at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he studied.

However, historians note that, contrary to some stories, Gorchakov was not a close friend of Pushkin.

According to the reviews of his contemporaries, Gorchakov, who was very capable in various fields of knowledge, nevertheless envied Pushkin’s literary talent and, at any opportunity, tried to emphasize his noble origin in the presence of the poet.

“Nevertheless, when Pushkin was sent into exile, Gorchakov was not afraid to visit him in 1825. This is a worthy act for a young official. Although their relationship was still cool then,” Airapetov noted.

• A.S. Pushkin. Portrait of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov (1798-1883), future Minister of Foreign Affairs Russian Empire and the chancellor

Despite this, the poet dedicated several famous poems, calling him “happy from the first days” and “a pet of fashion, a friend of the great world.” It is interesting that of the entire “Pushkin” issue, it was Gorchakov who lived the longest life. It so happened that these lines of the great poet were addressed to him:

“Which of us, in our old age, has the day of the Lyceum
Will you have to celebrate alone?
Unhappy friend! among new generations
The annoying guest is both superfluous and alien,
He will remember us and the days of connections,
Closing my eyes with a trembling hand..."

"Solid Back"

In 1819, Gorchakov entered service with the rank of chamber cadet. As his teachers said, he was destined to realize himself precisely as a diplomat. In the early 1820s, he was an official under the head of the Russian foreign policy department, Count Karl Nesselrod. Subsequently, Gorchakov served as secretary of the embassies in London and Rome, and also served in various diplomatic posts in Berlin, Florence and Vienna.

“Gorchakov was distinguished by a special feature that, unfortunately, was not characteristic of many other officials both in his era and in other times. He was a man with a strong back, not inclined to bend in front of anyone,” Airapetov noted in a conversation with RT.

The young diplomat did not curry favor with Nesselrode, and when, during a visit to Vienna, Count Alexander Benckendorff, chief of gendarmes and one of those closest to Nicholas I statesmen, demanded that Gorchakov serve him lunch, he defiantly rang the bell and noted that it is customary to address such issues to the servants. However, such “obstinacy” caused the promising diplomat a lot of trouble.

In 1838, Gorchakov proposed to the niece of his boss Dmitry Tatishchev, Maria, the widow of Ivan Musin-Pushkin and one of the first beauties of Russia. However, Tatishchev, who was looking for a more profitable match for his relative, was set against Gorchakov by the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince Metternich, who did not like the young diplomat for his intransigence and emphasized “Russianness.” Therefore, in order to get married, Gorchakov pointedly submitted his resignation. And Nesselrode accepted him without question.

• MM. Duffinger. Maria Alexandrovna Musina-Pushkina (detail of miniature)

After the wedding, Gorchakov decided to return to service, but it turned out to be difficult. He was never confirmed as envoy to Ottoman Empire, despite the help of sister Sofia Radziwill and father-in-law Alexander Urusov, the president of the Moscow Palace Office.

“Because of his character, Gorchakov found himself locked into relatively minor envoy positions in the principalities of the German Confederation for more than a decade,” Airapetov said.

Career rise

In 1854, during the Crimean War, Gorchakov served as Russian envoy in Vienna. A year later, he was officially confirmed in this post.

“It was a very responsible place, and Gorchakov showed himself worthily there,” noted Airapetov.

Austria, despite the help that Russia provided it during the revolution of 1848, supported the actions of England and France in the Crimean War. And Gorchakov made every effort to ensure that Vienna did not take new anti-Russian steps. After the death of Nicholas I, Russian diplomats even achieved Austria's transition to a policy of neutrality.

“Gorchakov did not go to the Paris Congress, which resulted in the adoption of enslaving conditions for Russia on the demilitarization of the Black Sea and the seizure of lands in Bessarabia. The diplomats of the outgoing era of Nicholas I had to turn this page. Gorchakov, with whom the future of Russian foreign policy was linked, had nothing to do there,” the expert emphasized.

• Fragment of the panorama “Defense of Sevastopol”

After the end of the Crimean War, Count Nesselrode resigned, and his successor as Minister of Foreign Affairs was Gorchakov, who had proven himself well in Vienna.

“Although Gorchakov is often contrasted with Nesselrode in historiography, this is not entirely true. They were both, as befits diplomats, “people of nuance.” The program tasks that Gorchakov set for the Foreign Ministry largely duplicated what Nesselrode planned to do. He then needed to avoid worsening relations with Austria, improve relations with Prussia and improve relations with France,” said Airapetov.

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Gorchakov needed to change the conditions of the political combination that had developed at any cost. This period of his activity dates back to the famous statement that Russian diplomacy plans to regain control of the Black Sea and Bessarabia without money and without shedding a drop of Russian blood, as well as the words: “Russia is not angry, Russia is concentrating.”

True, historians admit that at first Gorchakov made a mistake in believing that the French Emperor Napoleon III would support Russia. However, he made only vague promises, primarily solving his own foreign policy problems. During the Polish uprising of 1863, France, together with Great Britain and Austria, once again took a tough anti-Russian position. The only European power to side with St. Petersburg was Prussia.

After the Austro-Prussian-Italian War, which led to the strengthening of Prussia, its relations with France deteriorated sharply. For the French, a united Germany was a danger, and new war was practically inevitable. Russia relied on Prussia in this confrontation, although domestic diplomats did not exclude the possibility that Paris and Vienna would gain the upper hand and then act against the Russians. However, France was the loser.

“Alexander II and Gorchakov decided that both victorious Germany and defeated France no longer cared about the demilitarization of the Black Sea, and England itself would not dare to take active action. And Russia announced that it would no longer comply with the demands of the Paris Congress,” Leonid Lyashenko, candidate of historical sciences, professor of the Department of Russian History at Moscow State Pedagogical University, told RT.

Gorchakov kept his promise. Russia actually reversed the decisions of the Paris Congress bloodlessly and without expense. According to Oleg Airapetov, this was “the peak of Minister Gorchakov’s career.”

For his achievements, the diplomat was awarded the title of lordship, as well as the highest civilian rank of the Russian Empire - chancellor.

In 1872, Gorchakov consolidated his success in Russian-German relations by becoming one of the initiators of the union of Russia, Germany and Austria.

Historians note that some narcissism and a tendency toward narcissism, which were characteristic of Alexander Gorchakov, only progressed with age, which sometimes greatly irritated those around him.

“In Russian historiography they tend to idealize Gorchakov. But this was not an ideal, but a living person with his own advantages and disadvantages. Of course, it’s very bright,” Airapetov noted.

"The Blackest Day"

According to the expert, Gorchakov was a very cautious person.

“After the Crimean War, he was very afraid of creating a new anti-Russian military alliance and therefore kept the tsar from active politics in the Balkans and in Central Asia"- said Airapetov.

And yet, in 1877, the Russian authorities, under the influence of the military, declared war on Turkey, which turned out to be very successful for St. Petersburg. And in 1878, a deal beneficial for Russia was concluded. However, the Europeans were not satisfied with his conditions, and they initiated the Berlin Congress.

“In those days, the elderly Gorchakov felt very bad, he could not even stand on his feet, he was carried in a chair. While communicating with a British representative, he mistakenly immediately showed him maps where the maximum concessions that St. Petersburg was ready for were marked. And the British diplomat immediately told all the participants of the congress about this. As a result, the negotiations ended according to the worst scenario for Russia and its supporters. Gorchakov later told Alexander II that this was the darkest day in his life. Alexander II responded to this that it was his too,” Lyashenko said in an interview with RT.

• Berlin Congress July 13, 1878

After the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov actually retired and spent a lot of time receiving treatment abroad. In March 1882, he officially resigned as minister, and on April 9 of the same year he died in Baden-Baden. Gorchakov was buried in St. Petersburg. After his death, the rank of chancellor was no longer awarded to anyone.

According to Lyashenko, Gorchakov became one of the first statesmen in the history of the Russian Empire who thought in terms of national interests.

“However, he made the mistake of many of our other outstanding compatriots - he failed to leave on time,” the expert concluded.

Period of strengthening of Germany

Last years

Curious facts

Modern

Memory of Gorchakov

Gorchakov in literature

His Serene Highness Prince (June 4 (15), 1798, Gapsal - February 27 (March 11), 1883, Baden-Baden) - a prominent Russian diplomat and statesman, chancellor, holder of the Order of the Holy Apostle Andrew the First-Called.

Lyceum. “Happy from the first days.” Carier start

Born into the family of Prince M.A. Gorchakov and Elena Vasilievna Ferzen.

He was educated at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he was a friend of Pushkin. From his youth, “a pet of fashion, a friend of the great world, a brilliant observer of customs” (as Pushkin characterized him in one of his letters), until late old age he was distinguished by those qualities that were considered most necessary for a diplomat. In addition to social talents and salon wit, he also possessed significant literary education, which was later reflected in his eloquent diplomatic notes. Circumstances early allowed him to study all the behind-the-scenes springs of international politics in Europe. In 1820-1822. he served under Count Nesselrod at congresses in Troppau, Ljubljana and Verona; in 1822 he was appointed secretary of the embassy in London, where he remained until 1827; then he was in the same position at the mission in Rome, in 1828 he was transferred to Berlin as an embassy adviser, from there to Florence as a chargé d'affaires, and in 1833 as an embassy adviser in Vienna.

Ambassador to the German States

In 1841 he was sent to Stuttgart to arrange a marriage Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna with Karl Friedrich, Crown Prince of Württemberg, and after the marriage he remained envoy extraordinary there for twelve years. From Stuttgart he was able to closely follow the progress revolutionary movement in Southern Germany and the events of 1848-1849 in Frankfurt am Main. At the end of 1850 he was appointed commissioner to the German Federal Diet in Frankfurt, retaining his previous post at the Württemberg court. Russian influence dominated the political life of Germany at that time. In the restored Union Sejm, the Russian government saw “a guarantee of preserving common world" Prince Gorchakov stayed in Frankfurt am Main for four years; there he became especially close to the Prussian representative, Bismarck. Bismarck was then a supporter of a close alliance with Russia and ardently supported its policies, for which Emperor Nicholas expressed special gratitude to him (according to the report of the Russian representative at the Sejm after Gorchakov, D. G. Glinka). Gorchakov, like Nesselrode, did not share Emperor Nicholas’ passion for the eastern question, and the beginning of the diplomatic campaign against Turkey caused him great concern; he tried his best at least contribute to maintaining friendship with Prussia and Austria, as far as this could depend on his personal efforts.

The Crimean War and the “ungratefulness” of Austria

In the summer of 1854, Gorchakov was transferred to Vienna, where he first temporarily managed the embassy instead of Meyendorff, who was closely related to the Austrian minister, Count Buol, and in the spring of 1855 he was finally appointed envoy to the Austrian court. During this critical period, when Austria “surprised the world with its ingratitude” and was preparing to act together with France and England against Russia (under the treaty of December 2, 1854), the position of the Russian envoy in Vienna was extremely difficult and responsible. After the death of Emperor Nicholas I, a conference of representatives of the great powers was convened in Vienna to determine peace terms; Although the negotiations in which Drouin de Louis and Lord John Russell participated did not lead to a positive result, partly thanks to the skill and perseverance of Gorchakov, Austria again separated from cabinets hostile to Russia and declared itself neutral. The fall of Sevastopol served as a signal for a new intervention by the Vienna cabinet, which itself, in the form of an ultimatum, presented Russia with well-known demands for an agreement with the Western powers. The Russian government was forced to accept the Austrian proposals, and in February 1856 a congress met in Paris to develop a final peace treaty.

Minister

The Peace of Paris and the first years after the Crimean War

The Treaty of Paris on March 18 (30), 1856 ended the era of Russia's active participation in Western European political affairs. Count Nesselrode retired, and in April 1856 Prince Gorchakov was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. He felt the bitterness of defeat more than anyone else: he personally endured the most important stages of the struggle against the political hostility of Western Europe, in the very center of hostile combinations - Vienna. The painful impressions of the Crimean War and the Vienna conferences left their mark on Gorchakov’s subsequent activities as a minister. His general views on the tasks of international diplomacy could no longer seriously change; his political program was clearly determined by the circumstances under which he had to take over the management of the ministry. First of all, it was necessary to observe great restraint in the first years, while great internal changes were taking place; then Prince Gorchakov set himself two practical goals - firstly, to repay Austria for its behavior in 1854-1855. and, secondly, to achieve the gradual denunciation of the Treaty of Paris.

1850-1860s. Beginning of the alliance with Bismarck

In [U Gorchakov avoided participating in diplomatic measures against the abuses of the Neapolitan government, citing the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of foreign powers (circular note dated September 10 (22). At the same time, he made it clear that Russia is not giving up its right to vote in European international issues, but is only gathering strength for the future: “La Russie ne boude pas - elle se recueille” (Russia is concentrating). This phrase had big success in Europe and was accepted as an accurate description of the political situation in Russia after the Crimean War. Three years later, Prince Gorchakov said that “Russia is leaving the position of restraint that it considered obligatory for itself after the Crimean War.”

The Italian crisis of 1859 seriously concerned Russian diplomacy. Gorchakov proposed convening a congress to peacefully resolve the issue, and when war turned out to be inevitable, in a note on May 15 (27), 1859, he called on the minor German states to refrain from joining the policy of Austria and insisted on the purely defensive significance of the German Confederation. From April 1859, Bismarck was the Prussian envoy in St. Petersburg, and the solidarity of both diplomats regarding Austria influenced the further course of events. Russia openly stood on the side of Napoleon III in his conflict with Austria over Italy. There was a noticeable turn in Russian-French relations, which was officially prepared by the meeting of the two emperors in Stuttgart in 1857. But this rapprochement was very fragile, and after the triumph of the French over Austria under Magenta and Solferino, Gorchakov again seemed to reconcile with the Viennese cabinet.

In 1860, Gorchakov recognized it as timely to remind Europe of the disastrous state of Christian nations subject to the Turkish government, and expressed the idea of ​​an international conference to revise the provisions of the Paris Treaty on this issue (note May 2 (20), 1860). " Events in the West resonated in the East with encouragement and hope.”, he put it, and “ conscience does not allow Russia to remain silent any longer about the unfortunate situation of Christians in the East" The attempt was unsuccessful and was abandoned as premature.

In October of the same 1860, Prince Gorchakov already spoke about common interests Europe affected by successes national movement in Italy; in a note on September 28 (October 10), he hotly reproaches the Sardinian government for its actions regarding Tuscany, Parma, Modena: “ this is no longer a question of Italian interests, but of the common interests inherent in all governments; this is a question that has a direct connection with those eternal laws, without which neither order, nor peace, nor security can exist in Europe. The need to fight anarchy does not justify the Sardinian government, because one should not go along with the revolution in order to benefit from its legacy" Condemning the popular aspirations of Italy so sharply, Gorchakov retreated from the principle of non-interference, which he proclaimed in 1856 regarding the abuses of the Neapolitan king, and unwittingly returned to the traditions of the era of congresses and the Holy Alliance. His protest, although supported by Austria and Prussia, had no practical consequences.

Polish question. Austro-Prussian War

The Polish question that appeared on the scene finally upset the nascent “friendship” of Russia with the empire of Napoleon III and consolidated the alliance with Prussia. Bismarck became the head of the Prussian government in September 1862. Since then, the policy of the Russian minister went in parallel with the bold diplomacy of his Prussian brother, supporting and protecting it as much as possible. On February 8 (March 27), 1863, Prussia concluded the Alvensleben Convention with Russia to facilitate the task of Russian troops in the fight against the Polish uprising.

The intercession of England, Austria and France for the national rights of the Poles was decisively rejected by Prince Gorchakov when, in April 1863, it took the form of direct diplomatic intervention. Skillful and, in the end, energetic correspondence on the Polish issue gave Gorchakov the glory of a top diplomat and made his name famous in Europe and Russia. This was the highest, culminating point of Gorchakov’s political career.

Meanwhile, his ally, Bismarck, began to implement his program, equally taking advantage of both the dreamy credulity of Napoleon III and the constant friendship and assistance of the Russian minister. The Schleswig-Holstein dispute escalated and forced the cabinets to postpone concerns about Poland. Napoleon III again floated his favorite idea of ​​a congress (at the end of October 1863) and again proposed it shortly before the formal break between Prussia and Austria (in April 1866), but without success. Gorchakov, while approving the French project in principle, both times objected to the congress under the given circumstances. A war began, which unexpectedly quickly led to the complete triumph of the Prussians. Peace negotiations were carried out without any interference from other powers; the idea of ​​a congress came to Gorchakov, but was immediately abandoned by him due to his reluctance to do anything unpleasant to the victors. Moreover, Napoleon III this time abandoned the idea of ​​a congress in view of Bismarck’s tempting secret promises regarding territorial rewards for France.

Period of strengthening of Germany

The brilliant success of Prussia in 1866 further strengthened its official friendship with Russia. Antagonism with France and mute opposition from Austria forced the Berlin cabinet to firmly adhere to the Russian alliance, while Russian diplomacy could completely retain freedom of action and had no intention of imposing on itself unilateral obligations beneficial exclusively for the neighboring power.

The Candiot uprising against Turkish oppression, which lasted almost two years (from the autumn of 1866), gave Austria and France a reason to seek rapprochement with Russia on the basis of the eastern question. The Austrian minister Count Beist even admitted the idea of ​​revising the Treaty of Paris to improve the situation of Christian subjects of Turkey. The project of annexing Candia to Greece found support in Paris and Vienna, but was coldly received in St. Petersburg. The demands of Greece were not satisfied, and the matter was limited to the transformation of the local administration on the ill-fated island, allowing for some autonomy of the population. For Bismarck, it was completely undesirable for Russia to achieve anything in the East before the expected war in the West with the assistance of outside powers.

Gorchakov saw no reason to exchange the Berlin friendship for any other. As L. Z. Slonimsky wrote in an article about Gorchakov in ESBE “having decided to follow Prussian policy, he chose to surrender to it with confidence, without doubts or worries”. However, serious political measures and combinations did not always depend on the minister or chancellor, since the personal feelings and views of the sovereigns constituted a very important element in the international politics of that time.

When the prelude to the bloody struggle took place in the summer of 1870, Prince Gorchakov was in Wildbad and, according to the Russian diplomatic organ, the Journal de St. Pétersbourg,” was no less amazed than others by the unexpectedness of the gap between France and Prussia. “Upon his return to St. Petersburg, he could only fully join the decision made by Emperor Alexander II to keep Austria from participating in the war in order to avoid the need for intervention from Russia. The Chancellor expressed only regret that reciprocity of services with the Berlin cabinet was not stipulated for the proper protection of Russian interests.”(“Journ. de St. Pet.”, March 1, 1883).

A Franco-Prussian war was widely considered inevitable, and both powers had been openly preparing for it since 1867; therefore, the absence of preliminary decisions and conditions regarding such important issue, as support for Prussia in its fight against France. Obviously, Prince Gorchakov did not expect that the empire of Napoleon III would be so brutally defeated. Nevertheless, the Russian government took the side of Prussia in advance and with complete determination, risking drawing the country into a clash with victorious France and its ally Austria and not caring about any specific benefits for Russia, even in the event of the complete triumph of Prussian weapons.

Russian diplomacy not only kept Austria from interfering, but also diligently protected the freedom of the military and political action Prussia throughout the war, until the final peace negotiations and the signing of the Frankfurt Treaty. The gratitude of Wilhelm I, expressed in a telegram on February 14, 1871 to Emperor Alexander II, is understandable. Prussia achieved its cherished goal and created a powerful new empire with the significant assistance of Gorchakov, and the Russian chancellor took advantage of this change in circumstances to destroy the 2nd article of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. The dispatch of October 19, 1870, notifying the cabinets of this decision of Russia, caused a rather sharp response from Lord Grenville, but all the great powers agreed to revise the said article of the Treaty of Paris and again grant Russia the right to maintain a navy in the Black Sea, which was approved by the London Treaty. convention of 1871.

Fyodor Ivanovich Tyutchev noted this event in verse:

The power of Germany. Triple Alliance

After the defeat of France, the mutual relationship between Bismarck and Gorchakov changed significantly: the German Chancellor outgrew his old friend and no longer needed him. Anticipating that the Eastern question would not be slow to arise again in one form or another, Bismarck hastened to arrange a new political combination with the participation of Austria as a counterweight to Russia in the East. Russia's entry into this triple alliance, which began in September 1872, made Russian foreign policy dependent not only on Berlin, but also on Vienna, without any need for that. Austria could only benefit from the constant mediation and assistance of Germany in relations with Russia, and Russia was left to protect the so-called pan-European, that is, essentially the same Austrian, interests, the range of which was increasingly expanding to Balkan Peninsula.

In minor or extraneous issues, such as the recognition of the government of Marshal Serrano in Spain in 1874, Prince Gorchakov often disagreed with Bismarck, but in essential and important matters he still trustingly obeyed his suggestions. A serious quarrel occurred only in 1875, when the Russian chancellor assumed the role of guardian of France and the general world from the encroachments of the Prussian military party and officially informed the powers of the success of his efforts in a note on April 30 of that year. Prince Bismarck harbored irritation and maintained his former friendship in view of the emerging Balkan crisis, in which his participation was required in favor of Austria and, indirectly, Germany; later he repeatedly stated that relations with Gorchakov and Russia were spoiled by his “inappropriate” public intercession for France in 1875. All phases of eastern complications were passed through by the Russian government as part of the Triple Alliance, until it came to war; and after Russia fought and dealt with Turkey, the Triple Alliance again came into its own and, with the help of England, determined the final peace conditions most beneficial for the Vienna cabinet.

The diplomatic context of the Russian-Turkish war and the Berlin Congress

In April 1877, Russia declared war on Turkey. Even with the declaration of war, the elderly chancellor associated the fiction of authority from Europe, so that the paths to independent and open defense of Russian interests on the Balkan Peninsula after the enormous sacrifices of the two-year campaign were cut off in advance. He promised Austria that Russia would not go beyond the limits of the moderate program when concluding peace; in England, Shuvalov was instructed to declare that the Russian army would not cross the Balkans, but the promise was taken back after it had already been transferred to the London cabinet - which aroused displeasure and gave another reason for protests. Hesitations, errors and contradictions in the actions of diplomacy accompanied all the changes in the theater of war. The Treaty of San Stefano on February 19 (March 3), 1878 created a vast Bulgaria, but increased Serbia and Montenegro with only small territorial increments, left Bosnia and Herzegovina under Turkish rule and did not give anything to Greece, so that almost all the Balkan peoples and precisely those who made the most sacrifices in the fight against the Turks - Serbs and Montenegrins, Bosnians and Herzegovinians. The Great Powers had to intercede for the offended Greece, make territorial gains for the Serbs and arrange the fate of the Bosniaks and Herzegovinians, whom Russian diplomacy had previously given under the rule of Austria (according to the Reichstadt Agreement on June 26 (July 8), 1876). There could be no question of avoiding the congress, as Bismarck managed after Sadovaya. England was apparently preparing for war. Russia proposed to the German Chancellor to organize a congress in Berlin; between Russian Ambassador In Great Britain, Count Shuvalov and the British Foreign Minister the Marquis of Salisbury reached an agreement on May 12 (30) regarding issues to be discussed between the powers.

At the Berlin Congress (from June 1 (13) to July 1 (13), 1878), Gorchakov took little and rare part in the meetings; he attached particular importance to the fact that part of Bessarabia, taken from it under the Treaty of Paris, should be returned to Russia, and Romania should receive Dobruja in return. England's proposal for the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austrian troops was warmly supported by the chairman of the congress, Bismarck, against the Turkish commissioners; Prince Gorchakov also spoke out in favor of occupation (meeting on June 16 (28). Later, part of the Russian press brutally attacked Germany and its chancellor as the main culprit of Russia's failures; There was a cooling between both powers, and in September 1879, Prince Bismarck decided to conclude a special defensive alliance against Russia in Vienna.

Which of us needs the Lyceum Day in our old age?
Will you have to celebrate alone?

Unhappy friend! among new generations
The annoying guest is both superfluous and alien,
He will remember us and the days of connections,
Closing my eyes with a trembling hand...
Let it be with sad joy
Then he will spend this day at the cup,
Like now I, your disgraced recluse,
He spent it without grief and worries.
A.S. Pushkin

Last years

In 1880, Gorchakov could not come to the celebrations on the occasion of the opening of the monument to Pushkin (at that time, of Pushkin’s lyceum comrades, only he and S. D. Komovsky were alive), but gave interviews to correspondents and Pushkin scholars. Soon after Pushkin's celebrations, Komovsky died, and Gorchakov remained the last lyceum student. These lines of Pushkin turned out to be said about him...

The political career of Prince Gorchakov ended with the Berlin Congress; From then on, he took almost no part in affairs, although he retained the honorary title of State Chancellor. He ceased to be a minister, even nominally, in March 1882, when N.K. Girs was appointed in his place.

Died in Baden-Baden.

He was buried in the family crypt at the cemetery of the Sergius Seaside Hermitage (the grave has survived to this day).

Curious facts

After the prince's death, Pushkin's unknown lyceum poem "The Monk" was discovered among his papers.

The princely family of the Gorchakovs is a branch of the princes of Chernigov, originating from Rurik. The name of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, whose life and activities were associated with the 19th century, is inscribed in the history of Russian diplomacy in “golden letters”.

Alexander Mikhailovich was born on June 4, 1798 in Gapsala into a military family. His father, Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, was often assigned to different cities due to his duties, and the family lived either in Gapsala, or in Revel, or in St. Petersburg. The mother, Elena Vasilievna Ferzen, was in charge of raising the children, and there were five of them in the family - four daughters and a son. Alexander received his primary education at home, and then graduated from high school in St. Petersburg.

In 1811, he “passed brilliantly” the entrance exams and entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. Here he studied in the same class with A.S. Pushkin, who dedicated one poem to him, predicting a brilliant future:

The wayward hand of Fortune has shown you a path both happy and glorious.

At the Lyceum, Gorchakov receives the nickname “Front” and is accepted into a brotherhood of 30 boys. After spending six years at the Lyceum, he graduated with a gold medal for “exemplary good behavior, diligence and excellent success in all parts of the sciences.”

At the age of 19, the young prince began his diplomatic career in the Foreign Ministry with the rank of titular adviser. His first teacher and mentor was the Secretary of State for Eastern and Greek Affairs, Count I.A. Kapodistrias, with whom Alexander Gorchakov, as part of the Russian delegation, participated in the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. And if the young diplomat’s relationship with his mentor was excellent, then Count K.V. Nesselrode, Secretary of State for Western European Affairs, Gorchakov did not enjoy the favor. Count Nesselrode did his best to slow down his career advancement. At the end of 1819, Gorchakov received the rank of chamber cadet, and soon the position of secretary Russian embassy in London, something he had long dreamed of.

Since the beginning of his service in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Gorchakov has well mastered the intricacies of diplomatic art and did not interfere in the struggle of departmental groups of the ministry, but was engaged in improving his professional skills. Having received an appointment to London, he began to quickly make a career: 1820 - secretary of the embassy, ​​1822 - first secretary, 1824 - the rank of court adviser, which testified to the emperor's recognition of the abilities and talents of the young diplomat.

Gorchakov remained in London until 1827. His relationship with Russian Ambassador Lieven left much to be desired, and Alexander Mikhailovich left London “due to deteriorating health.” He is transferred to the post of first secretary in Rome - a place less prestigious than London. Here Gorchakov makes useful contacts, among whom the daughter of Josephine Beauharnais, Hortense, the mother of the future French emperor Louis Napoleon, studies Greek language and delves into the state of affairs in the Balkans. A year later he is transferred to Berlin as an embassy adviser, but soon returns to Italy again as charge d'affaires.

Before his resignation, Gorchakov served in Florence and Lucca, was an envoy to Tuscany, and an adviser to the embassy in Vienna. He retired in 1838 with the rank of state councilor. His departure from service was caused not only by his marriage to Maria Alexandrovna Urusova, whose marriage strengthened Gorchakov’s position at court, since his wife’s family was rich and influential, but also by his relationship with Count Nesselrode, which was far from friendly. Alexander Mikhailovich secretly hoped that the resignation would not be accepted, but it was accepted, which greatly offended the ambitious diplomat.

As time passed, life in the capital and entertainment at court smoothed out the bitterness of leaving the service. Alexander Mikhailovich kept waiting for him to be invited again to take up a position in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but no invitation was received. Seeing his son-in-law's concern, Count Urusov begins to promote his return to service.

Returning to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in 1841 Gorchakov was sent as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Württemberg. The appointment seemed secondary, but in fact the German question was one of the central issues in Russia’s European policy. In St. Petersburg they closely followed the internal processes in the German states, the struggle between Austria and Prussia, who wanted to play a leading role in the unification of Germany. Gorchakov’s task boiled down to maintaining the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and skillfully using contradictions, since the creation of a strong, united Germany on the borders of the empire was unsafe for Russia. The diplomat's connections at the court of the Württemberg princes helped Gorchakov transfer to St. Petersburg unique material about the secret plans of the governments of the countries of the German Confederation. The activities of Alexander Mikhailovich were highly appreciated. The King of Württemberg awarded him the Order of the Grand Cross, and Emperor Nicholas I presented him with the Orders of St. Anne and St. Vladimir. In 1850, Gorchakov was appointed to the post of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the German Confederation.

In 1853, Alexander Mikhailovich suffered a personal tragedy - the death of his wife, with whom they lived happily for 15 years. Caring for his sons and the children from Maria Alexandrovna’s first marriage fell on his shoulders. Concern for their upbringing did not prevent him from continuing active diplomatic activity, which acquired special weight on the eve of the Crimean War. In these difficult years for Russia, Gorchakov once again declared himself as a diplomat of the highest class.

In 1854 he received an appointment as ambassador to Vienna. England and France have already taken the side of Turkey. Austria was still hesitant, and Gorchakov's task was reduced to eliminating Austria as a possible ally of Turkey in the fight against Russia. The task was very difficult, and Nicholas I, accompanying Gorchakov to Vienna, told him: “I trust you. But I don’t at all hope that your efforts will be crowned with success.” Arriving in Vienna, Alexander Mikhailovich personally became convinced that the emperor’s fears were not in vain. He immediately reported to St. Petersburg about the gathering of Austrian troops to Transylvania, which threatened the Russian army on the Danube, about the demand for the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of the Danube principalities, about the attempts of the Austrian government to involve Prussia in the war with Russia. Having great authority in diplomatic circles and making enormous efforts, Gorchakov managed to prevent Austria from entering the Crimean War.

At the Paris Congress, which began in February 1856, Russian interests were represented by diplomats A.F. Orlov and F.I. Brunnov. The heroic defense of Sevastopol, the capture of Kars by Russian troops and Gorchakov’s successful work to weaken the anti-Russian coalition played an important role in the respectful attitude of the congress participants towards the Russian delegation. Gorchakov himself was not in Paris, and when the work of the congress was completed, he was already in St. Petersburg. His successful work in protecting the interests of Russia was highly appreciated by the new Emperor Alexander II.

The lost war and the collapse of the diplomatic policy of Count Nesselrode forced Alexander II to change the direction of Russian foreign policy and begin to transform internal management. A new Minister of Foreign Affairs was needed, and Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov became the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The emperor hoped that the prince would be able to restore the country's prestige, undermined by the defeat in the Crimean War.

Minister Gorchakov outlined the new direction of foreign policy in a circular dated August 21, 1856 and in a personal report to the emperor. It emphasized the government's desire to devote "primary care" internal affairs, spreading activities beyond the empire, “only when the positive benefits of Russia absolutely require it.” The refusal to actively engage in foreign policy was temporary, which is confirmed by Gorchakov’s phrase: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating.” This meant that Russia would temporarily not actively interfere in European affairs and would not sacrifice its interests in order to support the principles of the Holy Alliance; it would gather its strength.

The new minister saw one of his main tasks in the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. It was also necessary to restore lost influence in the Balkans. Solving these problems required the search for new ways and diplomatic combinations.

New people were needed to solve these problems. When forming the ministry apparatus, Alexander Mikhailovich was guided by the professional training of employees and their political orientation. He reduced the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, strengthened the responsibility of department heads for decisions made, and eliminated the petty supervision of seniors over juniors. The authority of the new minister, his reasonable demands on his subordinates, trusting relationships with the sovereign and the reorganized apparatus allowed Gorchakov to begin implementing a new foreign policy program already in 1856.

To solve it, Gorchakov relied on France as the most realistic ally. He believed that the East “is only a trifle” for Napoleon III; for the French emperor, the territory up to the Rhine is important. In September 1857, an agreement was reached with Napoleon III, who, in exchange for Russian support for his plans, promised to act in favor of Russia in Middle Eastern affairs. A positive result of the rapprochement with France was the establishment of cooperation in the Balkans. Starting with concerted actions in support of Montenegro, Russia and France jointly spoke out on the issue of unifying the Danube principalities and expanding their autonomy. Gorchakov understood that the unification of the principalities, weakening Turkey, would also deal a blow to the Treaty of Paris, where their isolation was recorded. When Türkiye began to prepare an intervention against the young Romanian principality, Gorchakov warned it about the inadmissibility of such actions. Alexander Mikhailovich repeatedly raised the question of the need to convene an international conference to discuss the situation of Christians, subjects of the Ottoman Empire. But the offer Russian minister was met with the refusal of England and the passivity of France in this matter.

Events in Poland in 1861-1863 led to the rupture of allied relations between Russia and France. As Gorchakov noted, the Polish question concerned not only Russia - “it was a stumbling block for all powers.” In the early 60s, the French emperor began to actively support Polish emigration in France, and even earlier he raised the question of the status of Poland, which caused the obvious displeasure of Alexander II. After the Polish uprising of 1863, the time of concerted action between France and Russia came to an end.

This was the time when Gorchakov was at the top of his career. Carrying out the duties of a minister, in 1862 he became vice-chancellor and became a member of the highest state institutions of Russia. Now he again had to look for a new ally in Russian foreign policy issues. Prussia becomes such an ally. Bismarck, who had long wanted to unite Germany “with iron and blood,” was the first to take steps to bring the two countries closer together. He needed Russian support.

At the beginning of 1863, a secret Russian-Prussian convention on mutual assistance was signed in St. Petersburg “to restore order and tranquility, granting both Russian and Prussian troops the right to cross the state border in cases where this would be necessary to pursue the rebels.” . Gorchakov, as well as War Minister Milyutin, caused a negative reaction to this convention. They considered it “unnecessary and dangerous.” And they were not mistaken. Having learned about it, France, England and Austria protested its conclusion and began to insist on the restoration of the Constitution of 1815 in Poland. In an effort to soften the conflict, Gorchakov reminded representatives of these countries about the unity of interests in the fight against revolutions, but at the same time stated that the Polish issue is an internal matter of Russia. Russian ambassadors abroad were ordered to stop all negotiations on Polish affairs.

The uprising in Poland was suppressed, and Russia's differences with England, Austria and France, revealed in recent years, were successfully used by Bismarck to get closer to Russia. As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's war with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870-1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov, who became chancellor in 1867, to announce Russia’s rejection of Article 2 of the Treaty of Paris on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers at an international conference in London in 1871. Note that the elimination of Article 2 cost Gorchakov a lot of effort. The Russian statement said the 1856 Treaty of Paris had been repeatedly violated by the powers that signed it. This treaty puts Russia in an unfair and dangerous position, since Turkey, England and France have military squadrons in the Mediterranean. With Turkey's consent, the appearance of foreign ships in wartime in the Black Sea “could constitute an encroachment against the complete neutrality assigned to these waters” and made the Black Sea coast open to attack. Therefore, Russia “can no longer consider itself bound” to the provisions of Article 2 of the treaty, which poses a threat to its security, but undertakes to comply with the remaining articles. Such a statement was like a bomb explosion, but Gorchakov calculated everything correctly. In the current situation, England and Austria-Hungary limited themselves to only verbal protests, France was busy with its own affairs, and Bismarck, although he was very irritated by Russia's statement, had to fulfill his promises in its support. Russia received unexpected support from the United States, which said it had never recognized Russian restrictions on the Black Sea.

Now Russia could have a fleet on the Black Sea and build naval bases on the coast. The abolition of the humiliating articles of the Treaty of Paris was a major success of Russian diplomacy, and public opinion rightly attributed this success to Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. He himself considered the solution of this important task to be the main task of his foreign policy activities. In March 1871, he was granted the title of Serene Highness, beginning to be called (with descendants) His Serene Highness.

Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors” (1873), trying to use it to prepare for a future war with Turkey.

The Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878 was fought under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish rule. With her successful completion Russia hoped to assert its influence in the Balkans. During the war, Gorchakov directed great efforts to ensure the neutrality of European states. In March 1878, a peace treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, according to which Southern Bessarabia, seized by the Treaty of Paris in 1856, was returned to Russia. The success of the Russian army in the war with Turkey and the peace treaty beneficial for Russia were reduced to zero at the Berlin Congress. Russia was represented at the congress by Gorchakov, and as he wrote to Alexander II: “The Berlin Treaty is the darkest page in my career.” Due to the opposition of England and Austria-Hungary, Russia lost the fruits of victory. At the congress there was a break between Gorchakov and Bismarck.

For three more years after the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He continued to make efforts to maintain stability in the country and the "balance of power" in Europe. But the years took their toll, and in 1880 he went abroad for treatment, retaining his post as minister. Already without his participation, negotiations took place in Berlin in 1881, which led to the conclusion of the Russian-German-Austrian alliance. In March 1882, Gorchakov resigned from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, retaining the rank of Chancellor of State and the position of member of the State Council. Having retired from active political life, he often spends time with friends, reads a lot, dictates memoirs about his life and diplomatic activities - he retained an excellent memory until last days.

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov lived a long and interesting life and died in Baden-Baden on February 27, 1883. He was buried in St. Petersburg, in the family crypt next to his wife and eldest son.

Prince, His Serene Highness Prince (1871), Russian statesman and diplomat, Chancellor of Foreign Affairs (1867), honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1856).

From the Gorchakov family. He graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum (1817; he studied with A.S. Pushkin, and subsequently maintained friendly relations with him). Since 1817, in the diplomatic service (Gorchakov’s mentor at the Foreign Ministry was I. Kapodistrias). As an attaché, he was in the retinue of Emperor Alexander I at the Troppau (1820), Laibach (1821) and Verona (1822) congresses of the Holy Alliance. 1st secretary of the embassy in London (1822-1827) and mission in Rome (1827-1828). Chargé d'affaires in Florence and Lucca (1828/29-1832). Counselor of the embassy in Vienna (1833-1838). He opposed Russia’s orientation toward an alliance with Austria and disagreed on this issue with Foreign Minister K.V. Nesselrode; resigned. Since 1839 again in the diplomatic service. Envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Württemberg (1841-1854) and part-time during the German Confederation 1815-1866 (1850-1854).

Envoy on Special Assignments (1854-1855) and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary in Vienna (1855-1856). Achieved Austrian neutrality in . Taking into account the anti-Russian position of Austria, he insisted on accepting all the preconditions for peace (see the article Vienna Conferences of 1854-1855), presented to him in July 1854 on behalf of the Allied powers by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria K. F. Buol.

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia. Russia's defeat in the Crimean War prompted Gorchakov to reconsider the goals and methods of Russian foreign policy. They were substantiated by him in a report to Emperor Alexander II, and then set out in a circular sent to the heads of Russian diplomatic missions dated August 21 (09/02), 1856. In it, Gorchakov expressed the intention of the Russian government to temporarily abandon active intervention in international relations in order to “devote its concerns to the well-being of its subjects” (phrases from the circular became widely known: “They say that Russia is angry. Russia is not angry. Russia is concentrating”). Gorchakov also emphasized the need to continue to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy. Gorchakov considered the most important direction of Russian foreign policy to be the struggle for the abolition of the terms of the Paris Peace of 1856, which provided for the so-called neutralization of the Black Sea - the prohibition of Russia and the Ottoman Empire to have Navy and fortifications on the coast. To achieve this, he initiated the process of rapprochement between Russia and France [in 19.02 (03.03). 1859, a secret agreement was concluded between the two countries on the neutrality of Russia in the event of a Franco-Austrian war and on mutual consultations when changing existing international treaties], but it was interrupted after that , as the French Emperor Napoleon III began to insist on international discussion of the issue of the status of Poland during.

The conclusion of the Alvensleben Convention of 1863 between Russia and Prussia, which provided for cooperation between the two countries in suppressing the uprising, as well as the growth of Prussia's international influence in the 1860s, prompted Gorchakov to seek rapprochement with Berlin. Gorchakov took a position of benevolent neutrality towards Prussia during. Taking advantage of the weakening of France during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 and Prussia’s interest in Russia’s neutrality, Gorchakov declared that Russia did not consider itself bound by regulations that limited its sovereign rights in the Black Sea [Gorchakov’s circular dated October 19 (31), 1870 representatives of Russia at the courts of the powers that signed the Paris Peace of 1856]. At the London Conference of 1871 (see the article London Conventions on the Straits of 1840, 1841, 1871), Gorchakov’s demands were recognized by the European powers and the Ottoman Empire. Gorchakov contributed to the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors” (1873). At the same time, he believed that in order to maintain the balance of power in Europe, France must once again take “its rightful place in Europe.”

In an effort to avoid complications in relations between Russia and Great Britain, Gorchakov opposed offensive actions in Central Asia, and on this issue he disagreed with Minister of War D. A. Milyutin. Under the leadership of Gorchakov, a number of agreements were concluded with China (Argun Treaty of 1858, Tianjin Treaty of 1858), which assigned the Amur region and the Ussuri region to Russia. He signed the compromise Treaty of St. Petersburg in 1875 with Japan, according to which the island of Sakhalin (since 1855 was jointly owned by both countries) was annexed to Russia in exchange for the Kuril Islands. During Civil War in the USA in 1861-1865, on the initiative of Gorchakov, Russia took a benevolent position towards the government of President A. Lincoln. Gorchakov ensured the conclusion of the Washington Treaty of 1867, according to which the territory of Russian America was sold to the United States.

He supported the desire of the Balkan peoples for independence from the Ottoman Empire, at the same time, during the Balkan crisis of the 1870s, he opposed Russia’s armed intervention in the conflict (he changed his position at the end of 1876), and sought to resolve the crisis through diplomatic measures. Concluded a series of agreements with Austria-Hungary, according to which Russia recognized its territorial claims in the western Balkans in exchange for Austria-Hungary’s neutrality in the event of Russian-Turkish war. After the signing of the Peace of San Stefano in 1878, Gorchakov, fearing the formation of a broad anti-Russian coalition, agreed to submit a discussion of the terms of the concluded peace to an international congress. At the Berlin Congress of 1878, he was forced to sign the compromise Berlin Treaty of 1878.

In 1879, due to illness, Gorchakov actually resigned from the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

During his diplomatic service, Gorchakov gained the trust of the Prussian kings Frederick William IV and William I of Hohenzollern, as well as many minor Italian and German rulers; was on friendly terms with major statesmen: in France - with A. Thiers, in Great Britain - with W. Yu. Gladstone, in Prussia (Germany) - with O. von Bismarck. Gorchakov’s arsenal of diplomatic means was in demand by domestic diplomats at the end of the 19th and 20th centuries.

He was awarded the orders of St. Alexander Nevsky (1855), St. Vladimir, 1st degree (1857), St. Andrew the First-Called (1858), etc., as well as the Order of the Legion of Honor, 1st degree (1857).

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was born in 1798 and came from a noble family, dating back to the Rurikovichs, but not rich. He graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, was a friend of Pushkin, and earned the most brilliant reviews from his teachers: “One of those few students who combine all abilities to the highest degree...

Gorchakov’s career developed very successfully during these years. In 1822 he became the first secretary of the embassy in London, where he remained for five years. Then he was in the same position in Rome, in 1828 he was transferred as an embassy adviser to Berlin, from there to Florence as charge d'affaires, in 1833 he was in Vienna. The largest cities in Europe, the capitals of powerful states, complex diplomatic assignments - all this was a good school for a person who decided to devote his life to foreign policy. But Gorchakov’s relationship with the influential Nesselrode did not work out. He resigned and was out of work for some time. In 1841, Alexander Mikhailovich returned to service and was sent to Stuttgart to arrange the marriage of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna with the Crown Prince of Württemberg. There he remained in the rank of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary for twelve years, maintaining the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and closely monitoring the growth of the revolutionary movement in Europe. The revolutions that swept across the continent in 1848 - 1849. Gorchakov was extremely alarmed. In his reports on rallies and demonstrations in Europe, he persistently advised the emperor to protect Russia from explosions and shocks, similar topics what he observed here.
In 1850, Gorchakov became envoy extraordinary to the German Union with its capital in Frankfurt am Main. In this alliance, the Russian government saw the guarantee of maintaining peace, and Gorchakov was called upon to restrain the efforts of Austria and Prussia, two rival powers, and act as unifiers of Germany. At the same time, Alexander Mikhailovich became close friends with the Prussian representative Bismarck. Gorchakov did not hide the fact that he was a zealous admirer of this great man. Before his eyes, with the benevolent non-interference of Russia, Bismarck achieved amazing achievements: he defeated first Denmark, then Austria, one by one, then crushed France and created a powerful German empire.
The same goal - only to create great Russia- the activities of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov were also dedicated. That is why he always rejected all revolutions aimed primarily at destruction rather than creation. Back in 1825, when he came to Russia for treatment, they tried to drag him into secret society Decembrists. The well-meaning Gorchakov answered his friends at the Lyceum that just goals are never achieved by insidious and secret machinations and that it is not appropriate for a pupil of the Lyceum, founded by Emperor Alexander Pavlovich, to go against the royal person.
“Gorchakov had a mind, sublime, large, subtle, and his ability to use diplomatic tricks did not exclude loyalty. He loved to play with his opponent, confuse him, take him by surprise, but he never allowed himself to treat him rudely or deceive him. he had to resort to tricks, since his plan was always clear and devoid of mysteries. With very few diplomats it was so easy and reliable.”
Emile Olivier, French politician, activist

On next year Gorchakov was transferred as manager of the embassy to Vienna instead of Baron Meyendorff, who carried out more instructions from the Austrian emperor than from the Russian one.
At this time the Crimean War began. Austria behaved extremely ungratefully towards Russia, and Gorchakov had to solve difficult diplomatic problems. He always opposed the war with Turkey, but now England and France took its side. Austria also helped the powers of the anti-Russian bloc, although it maintained apparent neutrality. But Gorchakov managed in his post to alienate Austria from the warring Western European powers. He took the same steps in relation to Prussia. And then came the death of Emperor Nicholas I.

From 1854 to 1855, Vienna hosted international Conference warring powers, to which Austria also joined. Prince Gorchakov represented Russia, trying with all his might to soften the harsh demands of his former allies, and now opponents in the Crimean War. Diplomats worked out peace terms that would be signed at the Paris Congress. To all claims insulting Russia, Prince Gorchakov replied: “First take Sevastopol.” But the besieged city fell, and a few weeks later Kare was taken by Russian troops, which made it possible to satisfy pride and soften the terms of the negotiations. In addition, Gorchakov entered into a secret agreement with the Count of Morny, a confidant of Napoleon III, which in the future made the position of Russian representatives at the Paris Congress easier. On March 18, 1856, peace was signed.
The Treaty of Paris ended the era of Russia's active participation in Western European political affairs. The painful impressions of the Crimean War and the Vienna conferences left their mark on all subsequent activities of Gorchakov as the main conductor of Russian foreign policy. On April 15, 1856, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in place of Nesselrode. This was recognition of his diplomatic merits, intelligence, and many years of experience. Under the new minister there was sharp turn, change of foreign policy course. From now on, all attention began to be paid to internal affairs, the government decided to extend its activities beyond the borders of the empire only when “the positive benefits of Russia certainly require it.” A hidden reminder of the sovereign power of the state sounded famous words Gorchakova: “Russia is concentrating...” European politicians soon understood what this meant.
“They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating... She is mentally concentrating not out of a sense of hurt pride, but with an awareness of strength and her true interests. However, she does not refuse to care about her dignity, nor from rank, belonging to her among the great powers of Europe."
Chancellor A. M. Gorchakov.

Gorchakov set himself three practical goals: first, to maintain great restraint in the first years, while internal transformations were taking place in the country (the abolition of serfdom was approaching); secondly, to repay Austria for its treacherous behavior in 1854 - 1856; and thirdly, to achieve the gradual destruction of the Treaty of Paris. The policy of abstinence, which it was decided to follow, did not at all exclude Russian diplomacy from exploring the possibilities of new alliances, without, however, accepting any obligations towards anyone, based only on its own national interests.

During these years, Gorchakov was the first to use the expression “Sovereign and Russia” in his dispatches, instead of the usual “emperor.” Count Nesselrode, who managed the diplomatic department in the state for forty years, reproached him for this: “We know only one king, we don’t care about Russia.” Undoubtedly, Alexander II made the right and very successful choice, appointing Gorchakov, a patriot, diplomat with the bearing of a Russian nobleman of bygone times, and also liberal-minded, as his minister. He completely trusted him in carrying out a new foreign policy course, since he himself was sometimes in public speaking made unfortunate mistakes. Alexander II sometimes showed the capricious traits of his grandfather. Once, in the papers given to him by Gorchakov, he did not like the word “progress” - perhaps it was unfamiliar to him. Emphasizing this word, he wrote: “What progress! I ask you not to use this word in official papers.”
Gorchakov was also appreciated by foreign diplomats and politicians. Sardinia's attorney in St. Petersburg said this about him: “The prince is one of the most outstanding statesmen, he is a purely Russian and liberal minister - of course, to the extent that this is possible in his country... He is a very smart and pleasant person, but very hot-tempered." The French politician Emile Olivier made a different assessment: “Always ready for confrontations, congresses where they speak or write, he was less ready for a fast, daring, risky action that could lead to a fight. The courageous risk of heroic enterprises frightened him, and although he got enough dignity, the first movement was to evade them, hiding behind condescension, and, if necessary, timidity.”
Alexander Mikhailovich significantly updated the composition of his ministry, replacing the numerous foreigners whom Nesselrode brought with him with Russian diplomats. He wanted to revive the historical traditions of his country, following Peter's foreign policy plans. One of Gorchakov's goals was fulfilled very soon, in 1859, when Russia sided with France in its conflict with Austria. For their treacherous behavior, the Austrians were punished at the hands of the French. Achieving other goals had to wait for many years...

Relations with Poland, which was part of the Russian Empire, were difficult. In 1861, an uprising broke out there. The Western powers approached St. Petersburg with a proposal to convene a conference on this issue. Gorchakov firmly stated that this was an internal matter of Russia. He ordered all Russian ambassadors abroad to stop negotiations with European states on the Polish issue. Since that time, further disagreements with France have emerged, but there has been a rapprochement with Prussia, which supported Russia. In 1862, Bismarck, Gorchakov’s Prussian colleague, became the head of the government there, and since then the policies of both states have followed a parallel course. In 1864, the Polish uprising was suppressed, and Prussia and Russia concluded a military convention.
While complex diplomatic games were being played in Europe, Gorchakov's attention turned to North America- to the problem of Russian colonies in Alaska, the Aleutian Islands and west coast, which were mastered by domestic sailors back in the 18th century. In 1866, a meeting of the highest royal dignitaries took place, at which Gorchakov was present. The initiator of the sale of Alaska was Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich. The Russian government knew about the presence of gold placers in Alaska, but this was precisely the main danger. Gorchakov said: “After an army of people armed with shovels, an army of soldiers armed with guns may come.” Russia did not have Far East neither a significant army nor a strong navy, and given the difficult financial situation of the country, it was simply impossible to preserve the American colonies. An agreement on the sale of Alaska for 1 million 200 thousand dollars was signed in Washington and St. Petersburg.
Meanwhile, war was brewing in Europe - between France and Prussia. Gorchakov tried to extract maximum benefit from it for Russia. First of all, this concerned the conditions of the Paris Treaty of 1856 - those articles where the empire was prohibited from keeping a fleet in the Black Sea. In 1868, agreements that had the force of a treaty were concluded between Gorchakov and the Prussian envoy General Manteuffel. Russia pledged to maintain neutrality during the unification of Germany, Prussia - to support Russia's demands for the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Treaty of Paris. The Franco-Prussian War began in 1870, Bismarck's successes were obvious. At this time, without waiting for the end of the war, Gorchakov invited Alexander II to make fair demands on Russia. In his opinion, the most opportune moment had come. And he was right. He noted: “While the war lasted, we could count with greater confidence on the good will of Prussia and on the restraint of the powers that signed the treaty of 1856. Everything was calculated correctly: France was defeated, Prussia promised support, Austria would not risk opposing Russia out of fear to be attacked by the same Bismarck."
Through his ambassadors abroad, Gorchakov conveyed a circular dispatch to the governments of all states. It stated that Russia could no longer consider itself bound by that part of the Paris Treaty that limited its rights in the Black Sea. This circular had the effect of a bomb exploding in Europe. However, nothing could be done.
England and Austria limited themselves to only verbal protests, and France had no time for that at all. It was important for her to survive herself. In 1871, a conference of European powers met in London, at which the fair demands of Russia were consolidated. Gorchakov experienced genuine triumph in those days. Another of his foreign policy goals was achieved. Subsequently, he considered this victory the main success of all his diplomatic activities. As a reward, Alexander II granted him the title of "lordship", which could only be worn by members of the royal family.

In 1873, the tripartite convention of Russia - Germany - Austria was signed. These countries became known as the "Union of Three Emperors". Gorchakov believed that this alliance would help solve the Balkan problem. He called on European powers to support his autonomy plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the growing conflict in the Balkans could not be resolved peacefully. The Turks launched an attack on Serbia in 1876, sweeping away everything in their path in their advance towards Belgrade. Alexander II gathered his ministers in Livadia and posed the question: what to do with the dying Serbia? Everyone only regretted this, and Prince Gorchakov stood up and said: “Our traditions do not allow us to be indifferent, there are national, internal feelings that are difficult to go against. Your Majesty! Now is not the time for words and regrets, the hour of action has come.” At the same time, he presented the emperor with a prepared telegram, in which the Russian ambassador in Turkey was ordered to announce to the Sultan that he would immediately, within 24 hours, leave Constantinople if the Turks did not immediately stop and clear Serbia. “I agree with your proposal,” replied Alexander II, closing the meeting.
However, Türkiye was ready for war with Russia. Moreover, she strove for her. Gorchakov in January 1877 secured the neutrality of Austria-Hungary (Budapest Convention), and in April of the same year, Alexander II began this war, which was waged under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from the Turkish yoke. It contributed many glorious pages to the history of Russian weapons and ended in complete success for Russia. Its influence in the Balkans increased. First, the Adrianople Truce was concluded (January 19, 1878), where Gorchakov was extremely firm on the Bulgarian issue. He instructed his representative Ignatiev: “Stand especially firmly in everything that concerns Bulgaria.”
Exactly a month later, the final treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, timed to coincide with the birthday of Alexander II. Bulgaria received broad autonomy with the inclusion of Macedonia; Serbia, Romania, Montenegro were recognized as independent; Southern Bessarabia was returned to Russia.
The results of this war and the Treaty of San Stefano aroused hostile objections not only from England, but also from Austria. Gorchakov proposed organizing a congress on this issue in Berlin, counting on Bismarck. The Congress took place in July of the same year, but Bismarck unexpectedly took a neutral position. Gorchakov later said that there was “the evil will of almost all of Europe” against Russia. But he himself made an incidental mistake on this forum. By this time, Alexander Mikhailovich was already eighty years old. Obviously, due to his advanced age, Gorchakov absent-mindedly handed over to the English delegate Lord Beaconsfield geographical map for the Russian delegation. It marked the maximum concessions that Russia could make as a last resort. Beaconsfield, of course, took advantage of the opportunity and based the discussion on this particular map. Bismarck in his notes cruelly made fun of Gorchakov, claiming that it was he who defended the honor of Russia at that time. But Gorchakov himself later admitted to Alexander II: “The Berlin Treaty is the darkest page in my career.”
After the Berlin Congress, Alexander Mikhailovich practically retired, although formally he was considered the state chancellor of Russia for another three years. He was replaced as Minister of Foreign Affairs by Baron N. K. Gire, a mid-level diplomat, many times inferior to such a titan of foreign policy as Prince Gorchakov. Alexander Mikhailovich died in 1883 in Baden-Baden and was buried in the family crypt in St. Petersburg. In the history of Russian diplomacy, he was and remains one of the brightest and greatest figures.