Unified State Exam. Russian history. Alexander II. Material for a historical essay. Statesmen. A.M.Gorchakov. Birth of statesman, diplomat, His Serene Highness Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov

The princely family of the Gorchakovs is a branch of the princes of Chernigov, originating from Rurik. The name of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, whose life and activities were associated with the 19th century, is inscribed in the history of Russian diplomacy in “golden letters”.

Alexander Mikhailovich was born on June 4, 1798 in Gapsala into a military family. His father, Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, was often appointed to the different cities, and the family lived sometimes in Gapsala, sometimes in Revel, sometimes in St. Petersburg. The mother, Elena Vasilievna Ferzen, was in charge of raising the children, and there were five of them in the family - four daughters and a son. Elementary education Alexander received a home and then graduated from high school in St. Petersburg.

In 1811, he “passed brilliantly” the entrance exams and entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. Here he studied in the same class with A.S. Pushkin, who dedicated one poem to him, predicting a brilliant future:

The wayward hand of Fortune has shown you a path both happy and glorious.

At the Lyceum, Gorchakov receives the nickname “Front” and is accepted into a brotherhood of 30 boys. After spending six years at the Lyceum, he graduated with a gold medal for “exemplary good behavior, diligence and excellent success in all parts of the sciences.”

At the age of 19, the young prince began his diplomatic career in the Foreign Ministry with the rank of titular adviser. His first teacher and mentor was the Secretary of State for Eastern and Greek Affairs, Count I.A. Kapodistrias, with whom Alexander Gorchakov, as part of the Russian delegation, participated in the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. And if the young diplomat’s relationship with his mentor was excellent, then Count K.V. Nesselrode, Secretary of State for Western European Affairs, Gorchakov did not enjoy the favor. Count Nesselrode did his best to slow down his career advancement. At the end of 1819, Gorchakov received the rank of chamber cadet, and soon the position of secretary Russian embassy in London, something he had long dreamed of.

Since the beginning of his service in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Gorchakov has well mastered the intricacies of diplomatic art and did not interfere in the struggle of departmental groups of the ministry, but was engaged in improving his professional skills. Having received an appointment to London, he began to quickly make a career: 1820 - secretary of the embassy, ​​1822 - first secretary, 1824 - the rank of court adviser, which testified to the emperor's recognition of the abilities and talents of the young diplomat.

Gorchakov remained in London until 1827. His relationship with Russian Ambassador Lieven left much to be desired, and Alexander Mikhailovich left London “due to deteriorating health.” He is transferred to the post of first secretary in Rome - a place less prestigious than London. Here Gorchakov makes useful acquaintances, among whom the daughter of Josephine Beauharnais, Hortense, the mother of the future French emperor Louis Napoleon, studies Greek language and delves into the state of affairs in the Balkans. A year later he is transferred to Berlin as an embassy adviser, but soon returns to Italy again as charge d'affaires.

Before his resignation, Gorchakov served in Florence and Lucca, was an envoy to Tuscany, and an adviser to the embassy in Vienna. He retired in 1838 with the rank of state councilor. His departure from service was caused not only by his marriage to Maria Alexandrovna Urusova, whose marriage strengthened Gorchakov’s position at court, since his wife’s family was rich and influential, but also by his relationship with Count Nesselrode, which was far from friendly. Alexander Mikhailovich secretly hoped that the resignation would not be accepted, but it was accepted, which greatly offended the ambitious diplomat.

As time passed, life in the capital and entertainment at court smoothed out the bitterness of leaving the service. Alexander Mikhailovich kept waiting for him to be invited again to take up a position in the Foreign Ministry, but no invitation was received. Seeing his son-in-law's concern, Count Urusov begins to promote his return to service.

Returning to the Foreign Ministry, in 1841 Gorchakov was sent as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Württemberg. The appointment seemed secondary, but in fact the German question was one of the central issues in Russia’s European policy. In St. Petersburg they closely followed internal processes in the German states, behind the struggle between Austria and Prussia, who wanted to play a leading role in the unification of Germany. Gorchakov’s task boiled down to maintaining the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and skillfully using contradictions, since the creation of a strong, united Germany on the borders of the empire was unsafe for Russia. The diplomat's connections at the court of the Württemberg princes helped Gorchakov transfer to St. Petersburg unique material about the secret plans of the governments of the countries of the German Confederation. The activities of Alexander Mikhailovich were highly appreciated. The King of Württemberg awarded him the Order of the Grand Cross, and Emperor Nicholas I presented him with the Orders of St. Anne and St. Vladimir. In 1850, Gorchakov was appointed to the post of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the German Confederation.

In 1853, Alexander Mikhailovich suffered a personal tragedy - the death of his wife, with whom they lived happily for 15 years. Caring for his sons and the children from Maria Alexandrovna’s first marriage fell on his shoulders. Concern for their upbringing did not prevent him from continuing his active diplomatic activities, which had acquired special weight the day before Crimean War. In these difficult years for Russia, Gorchakov once again declared himself as a diplomat of the highest class.

In 1854 he received an appointment as ambassador to Vienna. England and France have already taken the side of Turkey. Austria was still hesitant, and Gorchakov's task was reduced to eliminating Austria as a possible ally of Turkey in the fight against Russia. The task was very difficult, and Nicholas I, accompanying Gorchakov to Vienna, told him: “I trust you. But I don’t at all hope that your efforts will be crowned with success.” Arriving in Vienna, Alexander Mikhailovich personally became convinced that the emperor’s fears were not in vain. He immediately reported to St. Petersburg about the gathering of Austrian troops to Transylvania, which threatened the Russian army on the Danube, about the demand for the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of the Danube principalities, about the attempts of the Austrian government to involve Prussia in the war with Russia. Having great authority in diplomatic circles and making enormous efforts, Gorchakov managed to prevent Austria from entering the Crimean War.

At the Paris Congress, which began in February 1856, Russian interests were represented by diplomats A.F. Orlov and F.I. Brunnov. The heroic defense of Sevastopol, the capture of Kars by Russian troops and Gorchakov’s successful work to weaken the anti-Russian coalition played an important role in the respectful attitude of the congress participants towards the Russian delegation. Gorchakov himself was not in Paris, and when the work of the congress was completed, he was already in St. Petersburg. His successful work in protecting the interests of Russia was highly appreciated by the new Emperor Alexander II.

The lost war and the collapse of the diplomatic policy of Count Nesselrode forced Alexander II to change the direction of Russian foreign policy and begin to transform internal management. A new Minister of Foreign Affairs was needed, and Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov became the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The emperor hoped that the prince would be able to restore the country's prestige, undermined by the defeat in the Crimean War.

Minister Gorchakov outlined the new direction of foreign policy in a circular dated August 21, 1856 and in a personal report to the emperor. It emphasized the government's desire to devote "primary care" internal affairs, spreading activities beyond the empire, “only when the positive benefits of Russia absolutely require it.” The refusal to actively engage in foreign policy was temporary, which is confirmed by Gorchakov’s phrase: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating.” This meant that Russia would temporarily not actively interfere in European affairs and would not sacrifice its interests in order to support the principles of the Holy Alliance; it would gather its strength.

The new minister saw one of his main tasks in the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. It was also necessary to restore lost influence in the Balkans. Solving these problems required the search for new ways and diplomatic combinations.

New people were needed to solve these problems. When forming the ministry apparatus, Alexander Mikhailovich was guided by the professional training of employees and their political orientation. He reduced the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, strengthened the responsibility of department heads for decisions made, and eliminated the petty supervision of seniors over juniors. The authority of the new minister, his reasonable demands on his subordinates, trusting relationships with the sovereign and the reorganized apparatus allowed Gorchakov to begin implementing a new foreign policy program already in 1856.

To solve it, Gorchakov relied on France as the most realistic ally. He believed that the East for Napoleon III “is only a trifle”; for the French emperor, the territory up to the Rhine is important. In September 1857, an agreement was reached with Napoleon III, who, in exchange for Russian support for his plans, promised to act in favor of Russia in Middle Eastern affairs. A positive result of the rapprochement with France was the establishment of cooperation in the Balkans. Starting with concerted actions in support of Montenegro, Russia and France jointly spoke out on the issue of unifying the Danube principalities and expanding their autonomy. Gorchakov understood that the unification of the principalities, weakening Turkey, would also deal a blow to the Treaty of Paris, where their isolation was recorded. When Türkiye began to prepare an intervention against the young Romanian principality, Gorchakov warned it about the inadmissibility of such actions. Alexander Mikhailovich repeatedly raised the question of the need to convene international conference to discuss the situation of Christians, subjects Ottoman Empire. But the Russian minister’s proposal was met with England’s refusal and France’s passivity on this issue.

Events in Poland in 1861-1863 led to the rupture of allied relations between Russia and France. As Gorchakov noted, the Polish question concerned not only Russia - “it was a stumbling block for all powers.” In the early 60s, the French emperor began to actively support Polish emigration in France, and even earlier he raised the question of the status of Poland, which caused the obvious displeasure of Alexander II. After the Polish uprising of 1863, the time of concerted action between France and Russia came to an end.

This was the time when Gorchakov was at the top of his career. Carrying out the duties of a minister, in 1862 he became vice-chancellor and became a member of the highest state institutions of Russia. Now he again had to look for a new ally in Russian foreign policy issues. Prussia becomes such an ally. Bismarck, who had long wanted to unite Germany “with iron and blood,” was the first to take steps to bring the two countries closer together. He needed Russian support.

At the beginning of 1863, a secret Russian-Prussian convention on mutual assistance was signed in St. Petersburg “to restore order and tranquility, granting both Russian and Prussian troops the right to cross the state border in cases where this would be necessary to pursue the rebels.” . Gorchakov, as well as War Minister Milyutin, caused a negative reaction to this convention. They considered it “unnecessary and dangerous.” And they were not mistaken. Having learned about it, France, England and Austria protested its conclusion and began to insist on the restoration of the Constitution of 1815 in Poland. In an effort to soften the conflict, Gorchakov reminded representatives of these countries about the unity of interests in the fight against revolutions, but at the same time stated that the Polish issue is an internal matter of Russia. Russian ambassadors abroad were ordered to stop all negotiations on Polish affairs.

The uprising in Poland was suppressed, and the differences between Russia and England, Austria and France, revealed in last years, were successfully used by Bismarck to get closer to Russia. As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's war with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870-1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov, who became chancellor in 1867, to announce Russia’s rejection of Article 2 of the Treaty of Paris on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers at an international conference in London in 1871. Note that the elimination of Article 2 cost Gorchakov a lot of effort. The Russian statement said the 1856 Treaty of Paris had been repeatedly violated by the powers that signed it. This treaty puts Russia in an unfair and dangerous position, since Turkey, England and France have military squadrons in the Mediterranean. With Turkey's consent, the appearance of foreign courts in war time in the Black Sea “could constitute an encroachment against the complete neutrality assigned to these waters” and made the Black Sea coast open to attack. Therefore, Russia “can no longer consider itself bound” to the provisions of Article 2 of the treaty, which poses a threat to its security, but undertakes to comply with the remaining articles. Such a statement was like a bomb explosion, but Gorchakov calculated everything correctly. Given the current situation, England and Austria-Hungary limited themselves to only verbal protests, France was busy own affairs, and Bismarck, although he was greatly irritated by Russia's statement, had to fulfill his promises in her support. Russia received unexpected support from the United States, which said it had never recognized Russian restrictions on the Black Sea.

Now Russia could have a fleet on the Black Sea and build naval bases on the coast. The repeal of the humiliating articles of the Treaty of Paris was a major success of Russian diplomacy, and public opinion rightly attributed this success to Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. He himself considered the solution of this important task to be the main task of his foreign policy activities. In March 1871, he was granted the title of Serene Highness, beginning to be called (with descendants) His Serene Highness.

Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors” (1873), trying to use it to prepare future war with Turkey.

The Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878 was fought under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish rule. With her successful completion Russia hoped to assert its influence in the Balkans. During the war, Gorchakov directed great efforts to ensure the neutrality of European states. In March 1878, a peace treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, according to which Southern Bessarabia, seized by the Treaty of Paris in 1856, was returned to Russia. The success of the Russian army in the war with Turkey and the peace treaty beneficial for Russia were reduced to zero at the Berlin Congress. Russia was represented at the congress by Gorchakov, and as he wrote to Alexander II: “The Berlin Treaty is the darkest page in my career.” Due to the opposition of England and Austria-Hungary, Russia lost the fruits of victory. At the congress there was a break between Gorchakov and Bismarck.

For three more years after the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He continued to make efforts to maintain stability in the country and the "balance of power" in Europe. But the years took their toll, and in 1880 he went abroad for treatment, retaining his post as minister. Already without his participation, negotiations took place in Berlin in 1881, which led to the conclusion of the Russian-German-Austrian alliance. In March 1882, Gorchakov resigned from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, retaining the rank of State Chancellor and the position of member of the State Council. Moving away from the active political life, he often spends time with friends, reads a lot, dictates memoirs about his life and diplomatic activities- he retained an excellent memory until last days.

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov lived a long and interesting life and died in Baden-Baden on February 27, 1883. He was buried in St. Petersburg, in the family crypt next to his wife and eldest son.

Prince, His Serene Highness Prince (1871), Russian statesman and diplomat, Chancellor of Foreign Affairs (1867), honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1856).

From the Gorchakov family. He graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum (1817; he studied with A.S. Pushkin, and subsequently maintained friendly relations with him). Since 1817, in the diplomatic service (Gorchakov’s mentor at the Foreign Ministry was I. Kapodistrias). As an attaché, he was in the retinue of Emperor Alexander I at the Troppau (1820), Laibach (1821) and Verona (1822) congresses of the Holy Alliance. 1st secretary of the embassy in London (1822-1827) and mission in Rome (1827-1828). Chargé d'affaires in Florence and Lucca (1828/29-1832). Counselor of the embassy in Vienna (1833-1838). He opposed Russia’s orientation toward an alliance with Austria and disagreed on this issue with Foreign Minister K.V. Nesselrode; resigned. Since 1839 again in the diplomatic service. Envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Württemberg (1841-1854) and part-time during the German Confederation 1815-1866 (1850-1854).

Envoy on Special Assignments (1854-1855) and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary in Vienna (1855-1856). Achieved Austrian neutrality in . Taking into account the anti-Russian position of Austria, he insisted on accepting all the preconditions for peace (see the article Vienna Conferences of 1854-1855), presented to him in July 1854 on behalf of the Allied powers by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria K. F. Buol.

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia. Russia's defeat in the Crimean War prompted Gorchakov to reconsider the goals and methods of Russian foreign policy. They were substantiated by him in a report to Emperor Alexander II, and then set out in a circular sent to the heads of Russian diplomatic missions dated August 21 (09/02), 1856. In it Gorchakov expressed his intention Russian government temporarily abandon active intervention in international relations in order to “devote your concerns to the well-being of your subjects” (phrases from the circular became widely known: “They say that Russia is angry. Russia is not angry. Russia is concentrating”). Gorchakov also emphasized the need to continue to carry out pragmatic foreign policy. Gorchakov considered the most important direction of Russian foreign policy to be the struggle for the abolition of the terms of the Paris Peace of 1856, which provided for the so-called neutralization of the Black Sea - the prohibition of Russia and the Ottoman Empire from having a navy and fortifications on the coast. To this end, he initiated the process of rapprochement between Russia and France [in 19.02 (03.03). 1859, a secret agreement was concluded between the two countries on the neutrality of Russia in the event of a Franco-Austrian war and on mutual consultations when changing existing international treaties], but it was interrupted after that , as the French Emperor Napoleon III began to insist on international discussion of the issue of the status of Poland during.

The conclusion of the Alvensleben Convention of 1863 between Russia and Prussia, which provided for cooperation between the two countries in suppressing the uprising, as well as the growth of Prussia's international influence in the 1860s, prompted Gorchakov to seek rapprochement with Berlin. Gorchakov took a position of benevolent neutrality towards Prussia during. Taking advantage of the weakening of France during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 and Prussia’s interest in Russia’s neutrality, Gorchakov declared that Russia did not consider itself bound by regulations that limited its sovereign rights in the Black Sea [Gorchakov’s circular dated October 19 (31), 1870 representatives of Russia at the courts of the powers that signed the Paris Peace of 1856]. At the London Conference of 1871 (see the article London Conventions on the Straits of 1840, 1841, 1871), Gorchakov’s demands were recognized by the European powers and the Ottoman Empire. Gorchakov contributed to the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors” (1873). At the same time, he believed that in order to maintain the balance of power in Europe, France must once again take “its rightful place in Europe.”

In an effort to avoid complications in relations between Russia and Great Britain, Gorchakov opposed offensive actions in Central Asia, on this issue he disagreed with the Minister of War D. A. Milyutin. Under the leadership of Gorchakov, a number of agreements were concluded with China (Argun Treaty of 1858, Tianjin Treaty of 1858), which assigned the Amur region and the Ussuri region to Russia. He signed the compromise Treaty of St. Petersburg in 1875 with Japan, according to which the island of Sakhalin (since 1855 was jointly owned by both countries) was annexed to Russia in exchange for the Kuril Islands. During Civil War in the USA in 1861-1865, on the initiative of Gorchakov, Russia took a benevolent position towards the government of President A. Lincoln. Gorchakov ensured the conclusion of the Washington Treaty of 1867, according to which the territory of Russian America was sold to the United States.

He supported the desire of the Balkan peoples for independence from the Ottoman Empire, at the same time, during the Balkan crisis of the 1870s, he opposed Russia’s armed intervention in the conflict (he changed his position at the end of 1876), and sought to resolve the crisis through diplomatic measures. Concluded a series of agreements with Austria-Hungary, according to which Russia recognized its territorial claims in the western Balkans in exchange for Austria-Hungary’s neutrality in the event of Russian-Turkish war. After the signing of the Peace of San Stefano in 1878, Gorchakov, fearing the formation of a broad anti-Russian coalition, agreed to submit a discussion of the terms of the concluded peace to an international congress. At the Berlin Congress of 1878, he was forced to sign the compromise Berlin Treaty of 1878.

In 1879, due to illness, Gorchakov actually resigned from the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

During his diplomatic service, Gorchakov gained the trust of the Prussian kings Frederick William IV and William I of Hohenzollern, as well as many minor Italian and German rulers; was on friendly terms with major statesmen: in France - with A. Thiers, in Great Britain - with W. Yu. Gladstone, in Prussia (Germany) - with O. von Bismarck. Gorchakov’s arsenal of diplomatic means was in demand by domestic diplomats in late XIX-XX centuries.

He was awarded the orders of St. Alexander Nevsky (1855), St. Vladimir, 1st degree (1857), St. Andrew the First-Called (1858), etc., as well as the Order of the Legion of Honor, 1st degree (1857).

Prince, outstanding Russian diplomat, Minister of Foreign Affairs (1856-1882), State Chancellor of the Russian Empire (1867-1883).

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was born on June 4 (15), 1798 in the city of Gapsala, Estonian province (now Haapsalu in Estonia) in the family of Prince Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov (1768-1831).

In 1811, A. M. Gorchakov graduated from the gymnasium in. In 1811-1817 he was educated at the Imperial Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, from which he graduated with a gold medal.

In June 1817, A. M. Gorchakov was appointed to serve in the Collegium of Foreign Affairs with the rank of titular adviser. In 1819 he was granted the court rank of chamber cadet.

In October-December 1820, A. M. Gorchakov was in the emperor’s retinue at the congress of the Holy Alliance in Troppau, and from January to May 1821 he accompanied the monarch to the congress in Laibach. In April 1821 he was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir, 4th degree, and in June he was promoted to collegiate assessor.

From October to December 1822 he was part of the retinue at the congress in Verona. In December 1822 he was awarded the Order of St. Anne, 2nd degree.

In 1822-1827, A. M. Gorchakov served as first secretary of the Russian embassy in London, in 1827-1828 - first secretary, then adviser to the embassy in Rome. In December 1828, he was granted the rank of chamberlain of the court of His Imperial Majesty.

In 1828-1833 A. M. Gorchakov was chargé d'affaires in Florence and Lucca. In 1833-1838 he served as adviser to the Russian embassy in Vienna. He repeatedly managed the affairs of the embassy. In September 1834 he was promoted to state councilor, and in December 1834 he received the Order of St. Stanislaus, 2nd degree. In July 1838 he was promoted to full state councilor. At his personal request, he was dismissed from service and returned to.

In October 1839, A. M. Gorchakov was again appointed to serve in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1841-1850 he served as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Württemberg. In 1846 he was promoted to privy councilor. He was awarded the Order of St. Stanislaus, 1st class (1844) and St. Anne, 1st class (1848).

In 1850-1854, A. M. Gorchakov was envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the German Confederation. In 1852 he was sent to France twice on diplomatic missions. In October 1853 he took part in the Union Diet of the German states.

In June 1854, A. M. Gorchakov was appointed temporary manager of the Russian diplomatic mission in Vienna. In this capacity, in 1854-1855, he took part in negotiations between representatives of the states participating in the Crimean War of 1853-1856. At the Vienna Conference of Ambassadors in 1854, he sought to keep Austria, Prussia and other states from joining the Anglo-French-Turkish coalition against. In July 1855 he was awarded the Order of the Saint.

In April 1856, A. M. Gorchakov was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. Having become the head of the Russian foreign policy department, in 1856-1863 he made attempts to lift the restrictions imposed by the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856 through rapprochement with France. In August 1856, the prince was promoted to actual privy councilor. He was also awarded the Orders of St. Vladimir, 1st degree (1857) and St. Andrew the First-Called (1858). In 1862 he was appointed vice-chancellor.

After Emperor Napoleon III's attempt to use the Polish uprising of 1863 to the detriment of the interests of A. M. Gorchakov turned his foreign policy towards rapprochement with Prussia. At his instigation, the empire maintained neutrality during the wars of Prussia with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870-1871). In June 1867, to commemorate the 50th anniversary civil service the prince was appointed State Chancellor.

Berlin's victory in the Franco-Prussian War allowed A. M. Gorchakov to announce the rejection of the article of the Treaty of Paris that limited its sovereignty in the Black Sea, and to achieve recognition of this by other powers at the international conference of 1871 in London (the Russian delegation at this event was personally headed by the prince ).

"The Alliance of the Three Emperors" (1873) became highest point rapprochement with Germany and Austria-Hungary. O. Bismarck intended to use it to establish German hegemony in Europe, but A. M. Gorchakov in 1875 got Germany to abandon its attempt to defeat France again.

For his part, A. M. Gorchakov tried to use the “Union of Three Emperors” for diplomatic preparation new war against Turkey. At the same time, negotiations with Great Britain began. Thanks to these steps, the neutrality of the European powers in the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878 was ensured.

The successes of the Russian troops led to the conclusion of the Treaty of San Stefano in 1878, the terms of which provoked protest from Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. There was a threat of the formation of a new anti-Russian coalition. In this situation, A. M. Gorchakov agreed to convene the Berlin Congress of 1878. Unlucky for

Gorchakov Alexander Mikhailovich (1798-1883), Russian statesman, diplomat, chancellor (1867).

Born on July 4, 1798 in Haapsalu into an old noble family. After graduating from high school, he entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum in 1811 (a classmate of A. S. Pushkin, A. A. Delvig, and others), from which he graduated in 1817 with a gold medal, and was assigned to serve in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The first diplomatic steps were taken by Gorchakov as secretary of the embassy in London (1824), charge d'affaires in Florence (1829), and counselor of the embassy in Vienna (1832).

Gorchakov developed a hostile relationship with Foreign Minister K.V. Nesselrode, who deliberately slowed down his career advancement. In 1838, Gorchakov resigned and only in 1841 returned to diplomatic activity as envoy in Stuttgart.

From 1850, he was a representative at the German Confederation, where he sought to strengthen Russian influence on the affairs of minor German states.

In 1854, Gorchakov was appointed envoy to Vienna. After the Paris Congress (1856), which summed up the results of the Crimean War, he became Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Gorchakov saw the main task of Russian foreign policy in the abolition of the articles of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. He managed to drive a wedge into a single anti-Russian coalition of European powers and in 1870 achieved the signing of a convention that allowed Russia to have a naval fleet in the Black Sea and build naval bases.

In 1875, Gorchakov's diplomatic position saved France from new German aggression. During the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. Gorchakov took an uncertain position, and as a result, at the Berlin Congress (1878), Russia lost the fruits of its own victory. This largely contributed to the decline in the minister’s popularity; in addition, due to health reasons, he actually retired.

In 1882, Gorchakov received a formal resignation.

Gorchakov Alexander Mikhailovich(June 4 (15), 1798, Gapsal - February 27 (March 11), 1883, Baden-Baden) - a prominent Russian diplomat and statesman, chancellor, His Serene Highness, Knight of the Order of the Holy Apostle Andrew the First-Called.

Biography

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was born on June 4, 1798 in Gapsala. His father, Prince Mikhail Alekseevich, was a major general, his mother, Elena Vasilievna Ferzen, was the daughter of a colonel. Alexander Mikhailovich belonged to an old noble family, dating back to the Rurikovichs. The family had five children - four daughters and a son. The nature of his father’s service required frequent moves: the Gorchakovs lived in Gapsala, Revel, and St. Petersburg. After graduating from high school in St. Petersburg, Gorchakov entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum in 1811, where he successfully studied not only the humanities, but also the exact and natural Sciences. Already during his studies he chose as his future profession diplomacy. His idol was diplomat I.A. Kapodistrias. “The direct character of him [Kapodistrias] is not capable of court intrigue. I would like to serve under his command,” said Alexander. He studied together with A.S. Pushkin. great poet dedicated a poem to his classmate, in which he predicted a brilliant future for him: “For you, the wayward hand of Fortune has shown you a path both happy and glorious.” Gorchakov maintained friendly relations with Pushkin for the rest of his life.

Returning to Russia in 1825 and passing through the Pskov province, he met a friend of his youth who was serving exile, although this act was fraught with trouble for him. But the young diplomat was financially completely dependent on the salary he received, since he refused his share of the inheritance in favor of his sisters. In 1817, Gorchakov brilliantly graduated from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum and began his diplomatic career with the rank of titular councilor. His first teacher and mentor was Count I.A. Kapodistrias, State Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for Oriental and Greek Affairs. Together with Kapodistrias and other diplomats, Gorchakov was in the tsar's retinue at the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. As an attaché, he carried out diplomatic assignments for the Tsar. Alexander I was favorable to him and “always noted him as one of the best pupils of the lyceum.” In 1820, Gorchakov was sent as secretary of the embassy to London.

In 1822 he became the first secretary of the embassy, ​​and in 1824 he was awarded the rank of court councilor. Gorchakov remained in London until 1827, when he was transferred to the post of first secretary in Rome. The following year, the young diplomat became an adviser to the embassy in Berlin, and then, as a charge d'affaires, he again found himself in Italy, this time in Florence and Lucca, the capital of the Tuscan state.

In 1833, by personal order of Nicholas I, Gorchakov was sent to Vienna as an adviser. Ambassador D. Tatishchev entrusted him with important tasks. Many reports sent to St. Petersburg were compiled by Gorchakov. For his diplomatic successes, Gorchakov was promoted to state councilor (1834). In 1838, Gorchakov married Maria Alexandrovna Urusova, the widow of I.A. Musina-Pushkin. The Urusov family was rich and influential. Gorchakov left his service in Vienna and returned to the capital. Gorchakov’s decision to resign is explained by the fact that his relationship with Foreign Minister Nesselrode did not work out. Only in 1841, Alexander Mikhailovich received a new appointment and went as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Württemberg, whose king Wilhelm II was related to Nicholas I. Gorchakov’s task was to maintain the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries. The revolutions of 1848-1849, which swept Europe, found the diplomat in Stuttgart. Gorchakov did not approve of revolutionary methods of struggle. Reporting on rallies and demonstrations in Württemberg, he advised protecting Russia from an explosion similar to that in Western Europe. In 1850, Gorchakov was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the German Confederation (the capital was Frankfurt am Main). At the same time, he retained his post in Württemberg. Gorchakov sought to preserve the German Confederation as an organization that would restrain the efforts of Austria and Prussia - two rival powers - to act as a unifier of Germany. In June 1853, Gorchakov’s wife, with whom he lived for fifteen years, died in Baden-Baden. He left in his care two sons and children from his wife’s first marriage. Soon the Crimean War began. During this difficult time for Russia, Gorchakov proved himself to be a diplomat of the highest class.

In June 1854 he was sent as ambassador to Vienna. England and France then took the side of Turkey, and Austria, without declaring war on Russia, helped the powers of the anti-Russian bloc. In Vienna, Gorchakov became convinced of Austria's insidious plans directed against Russia. He was especially concerned about Austria's attempts to win Prussia over to its side. He did everything to ensure that Prussia remained neutral. In December 1854, the ambassadors of all the warring powers and Austria gathered for a conference; Gorchakov represented Russia at it. At numerous meetings of the conference, which lasted until the spring of 1855, he tried to soften the harsh demands of the powers. The Russian diplomat entered into secret negotiations with the Count of Morny, a confidant of Napoleon III. Having learned about this, representatives of Austria turned to Alexander II in St. Petersburg and got him to accept their conditions, the so-called “five points”. Gorchakov believed that continuing negotiations with France would allow Russia to conclude peace on more favorable terms for it. At the Paris Congress, which completed its work on March 18 (30), 1856, Russia signed an agreement that recorded its defeat in the Crimean War. The most difficult condition of the Paris Peace was the article on the neutralization of the Black Sea, according to which Russia was prohibited from having a navy there and building coastal defensive structures.

After the defeat in the Crimean War on April 15, 1856, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was headed by Gorchakov. Alexander II, paying tribute to his experience, talent, and intelligence, chose him, despite Nesselrode’s attempts to prevent this appointment. Historian S.S. Tatishchev associated “a sharp turn in Russian foreign policy” with Gorchakov’s appointment. The new direction of foreign policy was justified by the minister in a report to Alexander II and outlined in a circular dated August 21, 1856. It emphasized the desire of the Russian government to devote “primary care” to internal affairs, extending its activities beyond the borders of the empire, “only when the positive benefits of Russia absolutely require it.” And finally famous phrase: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating.” Gorchakov himself, in a report on the work of the ministry for 1856, explained it this way: “Russia mentally concentrated not out of a sense of wounded pride, but with an awareness of strength and its true interests. However, it did not abandon either concern for its dignity or the rank that belonged to it.” among the great powers of Europe." Moreover, the policy of abstinence, which it was decided to follow, did not at all exclude Russian diplomacy from exploring possibilities and preparing for the conclusion of new alliances, without, however, accepting any obligations in relation to anyone until its own national interests dictated it to do so." Gorchakov sought to pursue a “national” policy without sacrificing the interests of Russia in the name of political goals alien to it, including the goals of the Holy Alliance. He was the first to use the expression in his dispatches: “The sovereign and Russia,” said Gorchakov, “for.” Europe had no other concept in relation to our Fatherland than the “emperor”. Nesselrode reproached him for this. “We know only one tsar,” said my predecessor: “We don’t care about Russia.” “The prince is one of the most outstanding statesmen,” Filippo Oldoini, the Sardinian charge d’affaires in St. Petersburg, wrote about Gorchakov in his diary in 1856, “he is a purely Russian and liberal minister, of course, to the extent that this is possible in his country ... He is an intelligent and pleasant person, but very hot-tempered...” The struggle for the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Treaty became strategic goal Gorchakov’s foreign policy course for the next decade and a half. To solve this main task, allies were needed. Alexander II was inclined towards rapprochement with Prussia, but Gorchakov recognized an alliance with the weakest of the great powers as insufficient to return Russia to its former position in Europe. He associated the achievement of a positive result with close cooperation with France. Alexander II agreed with the diplomat's arguments. Gorchakov prescribed Russian Ambassador in Paris, Kiselev to convey to Napoleon III that Russia will not interfere with France to take possession of Nice and Savoy. Napoleon III, who was making diplomatic preparations for war with Austria, also needed the speedy signing of a Russian-French alliance. As a result of numerous meetings, disputes and compromises, on February 19 (March 3), 1859, a secret Russian-French treaty on neutrality and cooperation was signed in Paris. And although Russia did not receive French support in revising the articles of the Paris Peace, this agreement allowed it to get out of the isolation in which it was after its defeat in the war with Turkey.

In the early 1860s, Gorchakov occupied a prominent position in the government and had great influence not only on foreign policy, but also on the internal affairs of the country, advocating moderate bourgeois reforms. To the Russian Minister was awarded the rank of vice-chancellor (1862), and then state chancellor (1867). Gorchakov was skilled in the art of diplomatic play. A witty and brilliant speaker, he spoke French and German languages and, according to O. Bismarck, he loved to show off with it. “Gorchakov,” wrote the French politician Emile Ollivier, “had a sublime, large, subtle mind, and his ability to use diplomatic tricks did not exclude loyalty. He loved to play with the enemy, confuse him, take him by surprise, but never allowed himself to be treated it is rude to deal with him or to deceive him. He did not have to resort to reprisals and tricks, since his plan was always clear and devoid of mysteries. Communication with very few diplomats was so easy and reliable.” Ollivier attributed the following to Gorchakov’s main shortcomings: “Always ready for conferences, congresses, where they speak or write, he was less ready for a quick, daring, risky action that could lead to a fight. The courageous risk of heroic enterprises frightened him and, although he had dignity , the first movement was to evade them, hiding behind condescension, and, if necessary, timidity.” Gorchakov updated the composition of the ministry, removing numerous foreigners and replacing them with Russian people. Great importance Gorchakov gave historical traditions of his country and the experience of its diplomacy. He considered Peter I to be an example of a diplomat. Possessing undoubted literary talent, Gorchakov composed diplomatic documents so elegantly that they often resembled works of art.

In 1861, an uprising began in Poland, the goal of which was to restore the Kingdom of Poland from Russian lands. In June 1863, the Western powers approached St. Petersburg with a proposal to convene a European conference of the states that signed the 1815 treaties. Gorchakov stated that the Polish issue is an internal matter of Russia. He ordered Russian ambassadors abroad to stop all negotiations with European states on Polish affairs. At the beginning of 1864, the Polish uprising was suppressed. Prussia benefited the most: its active support for Russia's actions brought the positions of the two countries closer together. Gorchakov also participated in solving the problem of Russian colonies in North America- Alaska, the Aleutian Islands and the west coast to 55 degrees north latitude.

On December 16, 1866, a meeting was held with the participation of the Tsar, at which the initiator of the sale of Alaska was present Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, A.M. Gorchakov, N.Kh. Reitern, N.K. Krabbe, Russian Ambassador to the USA E.A. Stackl. All of them unconditionally supported the sale of Russian possessions to the United States. The tsarist government knew about the presence of gold placers there, but this was precisely what was fraught with considerable danger. “Following an army of gold miners armed with shovels could come an army of soldiers armed with guns.” Not having on Far East It was impossible to save the colony either with a significant army or a strong navy, given the difficult financial situation of the country. The agreement on the sale of Alaska for 7 million 200 thousand dollars (11 million rubles) was signed on March 18 in Washington and ratified in April by Alexander II and the US Senate. During the negotiations in 1866-1867, it became obvious that Russia could not count on French support. Gorchakov came to the conclusion that “serious and close agreement with Prussia is the best combination, if not the only one.” In August 1866, General E. Manteuffel, a confidant of Wilhelm I, arrived from Berlin to St. Petersburg. During a conversation with him, a verbal agreement was reached that Prussia would support Russia’s demands to abolish the most difficult articles of the Paris Treaty. In return, Gorchakov promised to maintain benevolent neutrality during German unification.

In 1868, an oral agreement followed, which actually had the force of a contract. Gorchakov was a supporter of cautious actions. He believed, for example, that in the East one should take a “defensive position”: “morally lead the movement” in the Balkans, “prevent bloody battles and all religious fanaticism.” Gorchakov ordered diplomats “not to drag Russia into complications that could interfere with our internal work.” However, Gorchakov’s “defensive” tactics met with opposition from the so-called national party, which was headed by Minister of War Milyutin and Ambassador to Istanbul Ignatiev. They called for active action in the Middle East, in Central Asia, in the Far East. Gorchakov agreed with their arguments about the admissibility of a military offensive in Central Asia. It was under Gorchakov that the annexation of Central Asia to Russia took place.

In July 1870, the Franco-Prussian War began, in which Russia took a neutral position. Gorchakov hoped for Bismarck's support in revising the terms of the Treaty of Paris. The French army suffered a defeat, which changed the political situation in Europe. Gorchakov told the Tsar that it was time to raise the issue of Russia’s “fair demand.” The main "guarantor" of the Paris Treaty - France suffered a military defeat, Prussia promised support; Austria-Hungary would not risk moving against Russia for fear of being subjected to a new attack by Prussia. That left England, which always avoided single-handed military action. Moreover, Gorchakov insisted on immediate action, arguing that the decision should be made before the end of the Franco-Prussian war. “While the war lasted, we could count with greater confidence on the good will of Prussia and on the restraint of the powers that signed the treaty of 1856,” the minister noted in a report to the emperor. At the suggestion of Minister of War D.A. Milyutin, it was decided to confine himself to a statement about the abolition of the articles of the treatise relating to the Black Sea, but not to touch upon territorial demands.

On October 19 (31), 1870, Gorchakov, through Russian ambassadors abroad, handed over a “Circular Dispatch” to the governments of all states that signed the Paris Treaty of 1856. Russia claimed that the 1856 Treaty of Paris was repeatedly violated by the powers that signed it. Russia can no longer consider itself bound by that part of the obligations of the treaty of 1856, which limited its rights in the Black Sea. The circular also noted that Russia does not intend to “excite eastern question"; it is ready to implement the main principles of the 1856 treaty and enter into agreements with other states to confirm its provisions or draw up a new treaty. Gorchakov’s circular had the effect of a “bomb exploding” in Europe. The governments of England and Austria-Hungary greeted it with particular hostility. But they The Porte ultimately remained neutral. As for Prussia, Bismarck was “irritated” by Russia’s performance, but he could only declare that he supported Russia’s demand for the abolition of the “most unsuccessful” articles of the treaty in order to reconcile the parties. proposed to convene a meeting of the authorized powers that signed the 1856 treaty in St. Petersburg. This proposal was accepted by all powers, including Russia. But at the request of England, the meeting was decided to be held in London. The conference ended with the signing of the London Protocol on March 1 (13), 1871. which for Russia was the cancellation of the article on neutralization of the Black Sea. The country received the right to maintain a navy on the Black Sea and build military fortifications on its coast. Gorchakov experienced genuine triumph. He considered this victory the main achievement of all his diplomatic activities. Alexander II granted him the title of "lordship".

In May 1873, during the visit of Alexander II to Austria, the first after the end of the Crimean War, a Russian-Austrian political convention was signed. Gorchakov believed that the convention, with all the amorphousness of its content, “made it possible to forget the unpleasant past... The ghosts of Pan-Slavism, Pan-Germanism, Polonism... were reduced to minimum sizes". "In October 1873, during the visit of Wilhelm I to Austria, the Act of Germany's accession to the Russian-Austrian Convention was signed. This is how an association was formed, which in history received the name of the Union of Three Emperors. For Russia, the meaning of the Union of Three Emperors came down primarily to a political agreement on Balkan problem. But it was the Balkan crisis of the 1870s that dealt a heavy blow to the Alliance of the Three Emperors. Gorchakov tried to persuade his partners to support his plan of autonomy for Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the calls of the European powers to resolve the conflict peacefully were rejected by the Sultan. At the end of 1876, Gorchakov recognized the need. military actions. “Our traditions do not allow us,” he wrote in his annual report to Alexander II, “to be indifferent. There are national, internal feelings that are difficult to go against." In January 1877, Gorchakov concluded the Budapest Convention with Austria-Hungary, which ensured Russia the neutrality of Austria-Hungary in the event of a Russian-Turkish war. Alexander II under pressure public opinion On April 12, 1877, he began the war with Turkey. The war was fought under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish rule. If it was successfully completed, Russia hoped to assert its influence in the Balkans. After the Adrianople Truce, concluded on January 19 (31), 1878 between Russia and Turkey, St. Petersburg demanded that its diplomats sign an agreement with Turkey as soon as possible. Gorchakov recommended that Ignatiev give “the act the form of a preliminary peace,” taking into account the interests of Austria-Hungary, to seek agreement with Germany in order to prevent Anglo-German-Austrian unity." With all this, the chancellor was decisive in the Balkan, especially the Bulgarian, issue. "Especially firmly stand your ground in everything that concerns Bulgaria,” noted Gorchakov.

The peace with Turkey signed on February 19 (March 3), 1878 in San Stefano, timed to coincide with the birthday of Alexander II, recognized the independence of Serbia, Romania, Montenegro, the broad autonomy of Bulgaria with the inclusion of Macedonia; Southern Bessarabia, torn from it under the terms of the Treaty of Paris, was returned to Russia. Not only England, but also Austria-Hungary resolutely opposed Russia’s new plans, which found expression in the Treaty of San Stefano. Gorchakov hoped for Germany, but at the Berlin Congress Bismarck took a position of neutrality. At this forum, Gorchakov explained the difficult situation of his country by the fact that there was “the evil will of almost all of Europe” against it. After the Berlin Congress, he wrote to the Tsar that “it would be an illusion to count in the future on an alliance of three emperors,” and concluded that “we will have to return to famous phrase 1856: Russia will have to concentrate." He admitted to Alexander II: "The Berlin Treaty is the darkest page in my career." After the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for three more years. He made every effort to stabilize internal situation country and maintaining the “balance of power” in Europe. The minister's special attention was paid to the Balkans, to assisting, as the Russian government understood it, in the establishment of statehood there. Gorchakov became increasingly ill, and gradually the leadership of the ministry passed to other people.

In 1880, he went abroad for treatment, retaining his post as minister. Without his participation, Russian-German negotiations were conducted in Berlin, which led to the conclusion of the Russian-German-Austrian alliance in 1881. Having retired from active political life, Gorchakov met with friends, read a lot and dictated his memoirs. Gorchakov died in Baden-Baden on February 27, 1883; he was buried in St. Petersburg, in the family crypt at the cemetery of the Trinity-Sergius Primorsky Hermitage.

Memory

• On December 27, 2003, the Gorchakov Street station was opened in the Moscow Metro on the street of the same name.
• Operating since 1998 International Foundation Chancellor Gorchakov
• On October 16, 1998, in accordance with the order of the Governor of St. Petersburg, for the bicentennial anniversary of the diplomat’s birth, a bust of A. M. Gorchakov was unveiled in the Alexander Garden (St. Petersburg) in the space near the fountain. The sculptors took as a basis a small bust of the chancellor, made in 1870 by sculptor K. K. Godebski. The height of the bust is 1.2 m, the height of the pedestal is 1.85 m.

Sculptors: K. K. Godebsky (1835-1909), F. S. Charkin (1937), B. A. Petrov (1948);

Architect: S. L. Mikhailov (1929);

Artist-designer: Sokolov, Nikolai Nikolaevich (1957).

Monument material

Bust - bronze, casting made at the Monumentsculpture factory;

The pedestal and base are pink granite, delivered from the Kashina Gora deposit (Karelia).

Signatures on the monument

On the pedestal:

on the front side there are inset gilded signs:

on the back side with mortise signs:

arch. Mikhailov S. L.
Sokolov N. A.
sk. Petrov B. A.
Charkin A. S.

• In 1998, a memorial plaque to A.M. Gorchakov was unveiled on former building Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia in St. Petersburg (Moiki Embankment., 39/6. (F-6). The inscription on the board reads “In this building from 1856 to 1883, an outstanding statesman, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov lived and worked” Architect Miloradovich T.N., sculptor Postnikov G.P. Marble, bronze.
• In 1998, a memorial plaque to A.M. Gorchakov was unveiled on the side facade of the building of the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Ministry in Moscow, st. Ostozhenka
• In 1998, the Gorchakov School was opened in Pavlovsk, St. Petersburg