Faith, morals, customs, way of life of the Circassians. Information and creative project on the topic: “Customs and traditions of the Circassians

The concept of “khabze”, both in its narrow social, class aspect - “uerk khabze”, and in the broader national one - “Adyghe khabze”, is extremely rich and all-encompassing. This implies not only etiquette phenomena, but also rituals, traditions, public institutions, customary law, spiritual, ethical and moral values ​​of the Circassians. Various aspects This topic was touched upon in the works of B. Kh. Bgazhnokov, S. Kh. Mafedzev, A. I. Musukaev, A. M. Gutov and other authors. In this article, Uerk Khabze is considered as a feudal, knightly code from the point of view of its social, estate and class content.

The Circassian nobility, whose motto was “Khebzere zauere” - “Honor and War,” developed its own knightly moral code, the so-called uerk khabze (uerk - knight, nobleman; khabze - code of customary legal, etiquette norms). Many of its provisions undoubtedly stem from the military way of life and the norms of behavior associated with it. As an example, an analogy like this cultural model associated with war, one can cite the medieval Japanese code of honor for the samurai “Bushi-do” (“Way of the Warrior”), with which Uerk habze has some parallels.

The life of a Circassian knight (nobleman) was regulated from birth to death by the unwritten code of Uerq Khabze. This code was based on the concept of “uerk nape” (knightly honor). There were no moral or material values ​​that could prevail over this concept. Life itself had value only if it was dedicated to serving the principles of uerq nape. The Circassians have many proverbs dedicated to this, for example: “Pser shchei, naper keschehu” - “Sell your life, buy honor.” Even such natural feelings as love or hatred had to recede into the background before the need to observe the law of honor as the Circassian nobles understood it.

The basis of the noble code of honor Uerk Khabze was a national code of etiquette and moral principles, called Adyghe Khabze (Circassian etiquette).

The concept of “Adyghe khabze” included not only etiquette and moral values, but also all the norms of customary law that regulated the life of the Circassian from birth to death. The nobles were supposed to be the standard in observing the Adyghe khabze - what was forgiven to the commoner was not forgiven to the nobleman in the sense of violating the norms of the Adyghe khabze. The noble class itself was not closed and was replenished from among the peasantry at the expense of those who showed personal courage during the war and were fluent in Adyghe khabze.

At the same time, any Wark in case of violation of the norms of Circassian etiquette, according to custom, could be deprived of the title of nobility. Thus, the title of nobleman imposed many responsibilities on a person and did not in itself give him any privileges.

A nobleman could be a person who leads an appropriate lifestyle and observes the norms of behavior inherent in this rank. As soon as he ceased to correspond to the place he occupied in society and to comply with the norms associated with this status, he was immediately deprived of his noble title. In the history of the Circassians there were many cases when they were even deprived of their princely title.

The princes who headed the nobility were considered guardians and guarantors of compliance Circassian customs. Therefore, from childhood, during their upbringing, much attention was paid not only to military training, but also to a no less extent to the study and assimilation of the norms of the Adyghe khabze. The princes had the exclusive right to levy fines for insult to dignity, which they could impose on any subject, including a nobleman. At the same time, an insult to princely dignity was understood as any violation of etiquette rules committed by someone in the presence of the prince. So, for example, paragraph 16 of the records of the customary law of Kabardians, made by Ya. M. Shardanov, read: “If two people, no matter whose they are, in the person of the prince, fight on the street, in the yard, in the house, then the instigator of the fight pays a fine to the prince one servant for failure to observe decency towards the prince for daring to fight in front of him"

The reason for the fine could be any manifestation of disrespect for Circassian etiquette, for example, an indecent word or expression, especially in the company of women.

By the way, the princess had the same right to punish women, including noblewomen, by imposing a fine. Fines usually consisted of a certain number of bulls, which were immediately confiscated from the household of the offending person in favor of the prince. To perform these police functions, the princes constantly had so-called beigoli. The Beigol class was replenished at the expense of serfs, since not only for nobles, but also for free peasants, performing such functions was considered reprehensible. Adyghe etiquette - Adyghe khabze, as already noted, lay at the foundation, was the foundation of the so-called uerk khabze - noble etiquette. Uerk khabze was distinguished by a more strict organization and was demanding of its speakers. In addition, it reflected the norms of relationships within the ruling class, in particular, the norms governing the relationship between overlord and vassal. In the XVIII– 19th centuries The Circassians were divided according to the principle of political structure into two categories: “aristocratic” and “democratic”. The first included the Kabardians, Besleneevtsy, Temirgoyevtsy, Bzhedugs and some other ethnic divisions, whose feudal hierarchy was headed by princes. The Shapsugs and Abadzekhs did not have princes, but only nobles, who, as a result of the so-called “democratic coup,” lost their political privileges. Nevertheless, in terms of observing those numerous and scrupulous relationships that distinguished Circassian etiquette, the Shapsugs and Abadzekhs were the same “aristocrats” as the Kabardians, Besleneyevites, Temirgoyevites and others. The customs, manners, costume, weapons and horse harness of the Circassians became a role model for their closest neighbors. They were so strongly subject to the knightly and aristocratic influence of the Circassians that the ruling strata of neighboring peoples sent their children to them to be raised so that they could learn Circassian manners and way of life

The Kabardians, whom some researchers called the “French of the Caucasus,” were especially successful in improving and punctually observing uerk khabze. “The noble type of a Kabardian, the elegance of his manners, the art of carrying weapons, the peculiar ability to behave in society are truly amazing, and one can distinguish a Kabardian just by his appearance,” wrote V. A. Potto.

K. F. Stahl noted in his work: “Greater Kabarda had a huge influence not only on all Circassian peoples, but also on the neighboring Ossetians and Chechens. The Kabardian princes and nobility were famous for their equestrianism, courage, panache in attire, politeness in manner and were for other Circassian peoples a role model and competition."

The chivalric code of Uerq Khabze can be divided into several key guidelines, including the following concepts:

1. Loyalty. This concept implied, first of all, loyalty to one’s overlord, as well as one’s class group. The nobles served the princes from generation to generation.

The change of overlord cast a shadow on the reputation of both sides and was considered a great disgrace.

The nobles remained faithful to their prince, even if the latter was defeated in an internecine struggle and moved to other nations. In this case, they accompanied the prince and left their homeland with him. True, the latter circumstance caused discontent among the people and they tried to keep the nobles from relocating. During the battle, the nobles each fought next to their prince, and if the prince died, they had to carry his body from the battlefield or die.

The concept of "loyalty" also included devotion to one's relatives and respect for parents. The father's word was law for all family members, just as the younger brother unquestioningly obeyed the elder. The nobleman was obliged to maintain family honor and take revenge on anyone who would encroach on the life and honor of members of his family.

2. Politeness. This concept included several provisions:

– Respect for superiors in the social hierarchy. According to the Circassians, respect, regardless of the difference in position in the social hierarchy, must be mutual. The nobles served their prince and showed him certain signs of respect. The lowest categories of nobility, the so-called pshicheu, being the prince's bodyguards and squires, served him daily in domestic life. At the same time, according to N. Dubrovin, “for the most part, refined politeness and mutual respect were observed on both sides.”

– Respect for elders. Each older person had to show signs of attention according to Circassian etiquette: stand up when he appears and not sit down without his permission, do not speak, but only respectfully answer questions, fulfill his requests, serve at the table during meals, etc. Moreover, all these and other signs of attention were provided regardless of social origin. In this regard, F. Tornau reported the following: “The highlanders have a higher rank in the hostel. A young man of the highest origin is obliged to stand in front of every old man without asking his name, to give up his place, not to sit down without his permission, to remain silent in front of him, briefly and respectfully answer his questions. Every service rendered to the gray-haired man is honored. Even an old slave is not completely excluded from this rule. Although a nobleman and every free Circassian do not have the habit of standing in front of a slave, I have often seen how. They seated with them at the table a gray-bearded slave who came to Kunatskaya."

- Respect for a woman. This position meant, first of all, respect for the mother, as well as respect for the female sex in general. Each knight considered it an honor to fulfill the request of a girl or woman, which was reflected in the untranslatable Circassian proverb: “TSIyhubz psherykh khushchane.” This expression has several semantic shades, one of which means that it is impossible for a man not to respect a woman’s request. It was considered a great shame to draw a weapon in the presence of a woman or, conversely, not to sheathe it immediately upon her appearance.

If a nobleman, in the presence of a woman, accidentally allowed himself an indecent word, then, according to custom, he had to make amends by presenting her with some valuable gift.

Among the Circassians, a woman could neither be the object nor the perpetrator of blood feud. Encroachments on a woman’s life were unknown to the Circassians (inf. Kh. Kh. Yakhtanigov).

It was considered a great shame for a man, including a husband, to raise his hand against a woman.

“Among the Circassians,” reports Khan-Girey, “the behavior of a husband and his wife is also based on strict rules of decency. When a husband hits or showers curse words on his wife, he becomes an object of ridicule...”.

An attempt on the honor of a mother, wife or sister in the concept of the Circassians was the most powerful insult that can be inflicted on a man. If murder cases could be settled by paying the price of blood, then such attacks on a woman’s honor usually ended in bloodshed.

– The concept of “politeness” included respect for any person, including strangers. The nature of this respect was apparently generated, as in all nations that have created etiquette, from two main factors: first, he who showed respect and attention to another person had the right to demand the same treatment on his part; secondly, every person, being constantly armed, had the right to use weapons to defend his honor. Many authors and travelers who visited the Caucasus rightly believed that the politeness and respect that characterized the everyday relationships of the Circassians were, to a certain extent, generated by the “pacifying” role played by the universal armament of the people.

It should be noted that for the Circassians and the etiquette they created, social servility was absolutely alien - their entire etiquette was based on a highly developed sense of personal dignity. This circumstance was also noted by J. A. Longworth, who wrote: “However, this humility, as I soon discovered, was combined in them with complete independence of character and was based, like all ceremonial nations, on self-respect when others carefully measure the degree of respect that they demand for themselves."

Even the princes who stood at the head of the feudal hierarchy could not demand from their subordinates excessive displays of attention, associated, on the one hand, with personal self-abasement, and on the other, with ascension and veneration of princely dignity.

In the history of the Circassians, there were cases when the excessive pride and vanity of individual princes turned against them not only other princes, but also the entire people. Usually this led to the expulsion, destruction or deprivation of princely dignity of such people.

This happened, for example, with the Kabardian princes Tokhtamyshev, who at a national meeting were deprived of their princely title and transferred to the estate of nobles of the 1st degree (dyzhynynygue).

The Kabardians had the following custom: if a prince was driving along the road, then the person who met him had to turn around and accompany him until he let him go *.

So, the Tokhtamyshev princes, in their arrogance and vanity, went so far as to force the heavily loaded carts of the peasants to turn and follow them for several miles.

__________

* However, this rule had to be observed in relation to every older person. In relation to princes, it was observed regardless of age.

IN late XVII or the beginning of the 18th century, according to J. Pototsky, the destruction of the princely family of Chegenukho took place in Kabarda. “Genealogy says only that the family was destroyed because of its pride: but here is what has been preserved in legends about this: The heads of this family did not allow other princes to sit down before them. They did not allow the horses of other princes to be watered with the water of the same rivers or, at least, upstream from the place where their own horses were drinking. When they wanted to wash their hands, they ordered the young prince to hold a basin in front of them. They considered it above their dignity to attend “pokis,” or meetings of princes. all this happened. At one of these general meetings they were condemned to destruction.

The judges took on the role of executors of the sentence they themselves passed."

In the “Brief Historical and Ethnographic Description of the Kabardian People,” compiled in 1784, the same event was reported: “This generation was especially respected in Kabarda. The eldest of them formed the clan of the autocratic owner, but at the end of the last century, out of hatred for him other princes, not tolerating his pride, hatched a conspiracy, and they destroyed this tribe even down to the baby."

A feature of the Circassian mentality was respect for personal dignity and personal freedom and the pronounced individualism associated with them. This, apparently, was one of the reasons that democracy was highly characteristic of their political structure and there were few prerequisites for the establishment of tyranny or dictatorship. This democracy was manifested even in the military sphere. In particular, F.F. Tornau wrote about this: “According to Circassian concepts... a man must think over and discuss each enterprise in a mature manner, and if he has comrades, then subordinate them to his opinion not by force, but by word and conviction, since everyone has his own free will ".

Despite the existence of a developed class hierarchy, veneration for rank was extremely abhorrent to the free spirit of the Circassians. One of the heroes of the story by A.-G. Keshev expressed his rejection of this, figuratively speaking, “padishahship,” as follows: “Dignity and good origin are held in high esteem everywhere - there is no argument against that, but in no case should one worship them, endure any kind of insult from them. Noble custom dictates that every Circassian a decent place for him, lets him know what he can do and what he cannot do. There is no place among the Circassians who wants to become above everyone, who wants to make his will a law for others. Everyone will notice such a person, everyone will try to clip his wings. And even if he has a strength equal to thunder, if he has a hundred heads on his shoulders, sooner or later, he will break his neck."

The concept of “politeness” included such Uerk Khabze norms as the prohibition of swearing, swearing, assault and other forms of hostility that, in the opinion of the Workers, were worthy only of plebeians.

This rule is reflected in folk proverb: “Hye dzhafe banerkym, uerk huanerkkym” - “The hound does not bark, the nobleman does not swear.” S. Bronevsky reports: “Circassians do not tolerate rude and abusive words; otherwise, the princes and uzdeni challenge their peers to a duel, and an unnoble person of lower rank or a commoner is killed on the spot. Kabardians always observe politeness in their treatment among themselves, commensurate with veneration of rank; – and no matter how ardent they are in their passions, they try to moderate them in conversation..."

Moreover, according to Khan-Girey, “it is worthy of note that all these rituals of politeness are observed even when princes and nobles hate each other, even when they are obvious enemies, but if they happen to meet in such a place, where the laws of decency keep their weapons inactive, for example, in the house of a prince or nobleman, in the presence of women, at congresses of the nobility and similar cases, where decency forbids drawing weapons, and the enemies themselves remain within the boundaries of politeness and even often treat each other differently helpfulness, which is called noble (that is, noble) hostility or enmity, but then these enemies are the most ferocious bloodsuckers where they can freely draw their weapons, and even more so their politeness does them honor, and the people have great respect for them for that ".

Not only was swearing or swearing considered indecent, but even speaking in a raised voice, giving in to emotions, was impermissible for representatives of the upper classes. “The Circassian nobleman flaunted his politeness,” wrote N. Dubrovin, “and it was only necessary for the heated bridle, who had forgotten decency and politeness, to ask: are you a nobleman or a serf? - in order, recalling his origin, to force him to change his tone from rude to softer and more delicate ".

Talkativeness was also considered indecent, especially for a prince. Therefore, when receiving guests, “one of the nobles always had to engage the guests in conversation, because the decorum did not allow the prince himself to talk much.”

The Temirgoy princes even introduced the following custom: “... in general, during important negotiations with neighboring peoples or during internecine disputes, they themselves do not enter into verbal disputes, and their nobles, to whom affairs are entrusted, explain themselves in the presence of the princes.” Khan-Girey calls this custom wonderful, “for it, keeping litigants, so to speak, from the frenzy into which they often fall during strong debates, maintains silence at congresses.”

The concept of “politeness” can also include such a quality as modesty. N. Dubrovin wrote: “Brave by nature, accustomed from childhood to fighting danger, the Circassians highly disdained self-praise. The Circassians never spoke about their military exploits, never glorified them, considering such an act indecent. The bravest horsemen (knights) were distinguished extraordinary modesty; they spoke quietly, did not boast of their exploits, were ready to give way to everyone and remain silent in an argument; but they responded with weapons with the speed of lightning, but without threat, without shouting and scolding."

Indeed, the Circassians have many proverbs and sayings glorifying modesty and condemning boasting: “Shkhyeshchytkhure kerabgere zeblagyesh” - “The braggart and the coward are relatives”, “Liy khahuer utykum schoshberi, liy shaber utykum shokIy” - “A brave husband stands in public soft ( behaves modestly), the cowardly becomes loud in public."

“Uerk ischIe iIuetezhyrym” - “A nobleman does not boast of his exploits.” According to Circassian etiquette, it was considered especially indecent to boast about one’s exploits in the presence of women, which is reflected in the proverb: “Liym i lIyger leggunem shiIuaterkym” - “A man does not talk about his deeds in the company of women.” According to the Circassians, people should talk about a person’s courage, but not he himself: “UIme, ui shkhye uschymytkhyu, ufIme, zhyler kypschytykhunsch,” “If you are a man, don’t boast, if you are good, people will praise you.”

The right to perpetuate and glorify the hero’s exploits belonged exclusively to folk singers - jegaco. As a rule, this was done after the death of the hero by composing a great song in his honor. When a nobleman was asked to talk about some event, he, as usual, tried to omit in his narration those places in which his actions in a given situation were reported or, in extreme cases, he spoke about himself in the third person, so as not to suspected of immodesty. Here is what Zaramuk Kardangushev, an expert on Adyghe folklore, reports about this: “In the old days, the Circassians considered it a disgrace when a person said about something accomplished: “happened to me,” “I did it.” This was impermissible. “I hit,” “I killed,” etc. .d. - a real man will never talk about himself. In extreme cases, if he has to talk about some incident, he will say: “The gun in his hand fired - the man fell.” “No, it all happened by itself.”

In April 1825, the tsarist troops destroyed the village of the fugitive Kabardian prince Ali Karamurzin. When Prince Atazhukin Magomed (Khyet1ohushchokue Myhyemet 1eshe) was asked to tell how he took revenge on one of the culprits in the death of the village, the traitor Shogurov, he answered briefly: “Erzhybyzhyr guueg’uasch, Shoguryzhyr gueg’ashch” - “Erejib* the old one thundered, the vile Shogurov roared ".

3. Courage. The concept of “courage” included such provisions as:

- Bravery. This quality was mandatory for a worker; it was inextricably linked with his status.

Cowardice, in turn, is incompatible with the position of a free person, and especially a nobleman. If a peasant showed cowardice, then he would certainly be condemned for this, but he could not be lowered below the place he occupied in the social hierarchy. In contrast, a Wark who showed cowardice was deprived of his noble title. A knight caught in cowardice was subjected to civil death, which, as Hasan Yakhtanigov told us, the Adygs denoted by the term “une demykhye, hyede imykh” (lit.: to whom they do not enter the house, in whose funeral they do not participate). Friends stopped communicating with such a person, not a single girl would marry him, he could not take part in public meetings and in general in the political life of his people and community.

For a general demonstration of popular contempt in the old days, according to Sh.

According to other sources, this cap was worn by the mother of the guilty person until he atoned for his guilt by some feat. It's your-

__________

*Erejib – erzhyb – brand of flintlock Caucasian gun, named after the master.

The local "coward's cap" was called pIyne. Folklore also mentions a special dress - kerabge jane (coward's shirt), which performed a similar function.

A warrior who showed cowardice could atone for his guilt before society only by accomplishing a feat or by dying. Until this time, his entire family was in mourning. Those around the wife of the disgraced warrior expressed sympathy, as a sign of which they expressed good wishes: “Ui lIym i naper t’em khuzh ischIyzh” - “May God restore the honor of your husband.”

- Firmness and composure. This provision implied that the worker in any situation had to maintain composure, be calm, and never succumb to panic and fear. Folklore evidence has been preserved of how the Karmov workers were demoted in the class hierarchy by transferring from the primary nobles (dyzhynynygue) to the class of secondary nobles (beslen uerk). Here is what folklore says about this: “Karmekhe zhyndum kyigashteri, lIakuelIeshym kykhadzyzhasch” - “Karm’s owl scared him, for this he was expelled from the tlekotleshes.”

Although the folklore version is more of an anecdotal nature and most likely is not historically accurate, nevertheless, such a production is curious in itself. Indeed, according to historical evidence and some folklore data, the Karmovs were nobles of the 1st degree, but not Tlecotleshas, ​​but dezhenugos, and were indeed transferred to the class of minor nobles. The reason was that they refused to kill the Crimean soldiers who were stationed with them and helped them escape during their general massacre. The Karmovs did not do this not out of cowardice, but because of the kinship relationship they had with the Crimean khans. One of their daughters, according to legend, was married in the Crimean Khanate. After the defeat and destruction of the Crimean Tatar army at a people's meeting, the Kabardians apparently made this decision.

– Patience and endurance. These qualities were cultivated in a nobleman from early childhood. A true wark knight had to be stronger than his natural human weaknesses. Complaints about fatigue, malaise, cold, heat, hunger, and even any mention of tasty and healthy food were considered a shame and condemned.

The Circassians have many legends that describe and praise perseverance and patience. So, they say, Andemyrkan, who began his equestrian life at the age of 15, had the following custom: when he had the chance to be on guard or guard horses, even in winter, in the most severe frost, he spent the whole night standing in one place and without closing his eyes. For this he was given the nickname Cheshchane - Tower...

REMOTIVATION OF COMMUNICATIVE ACTIONS AND MOVEMENTS

The remotivation of customs and rituals is perhaps one of the most significant ethnic universals. V. Wundt drew attention to this at one time: “...Custom... in its development undergoes such changes that give it a different meaning, he wrote. As a result of this change, mainly two transformations occur. The first transformation consists in the disappearance of the original mythical motive, which is no longer replaced by another motive: the custom continues to exist only by virtue of an associative exercise, and at the same time it loses the character of compulsion, and the external forms of its manifestation become less stable. During the second transformation, the place of the original mythical-religious ideas is taken by moral and social goals. But both types of transformations can be closely combined in the same case, and even if some custom does not directly serve one or another social purpose, such as certain rules of decency, politeness, rules of how to dress, there are, etc. etc., then he indirectly creates such a goal for himself, since the existence of some norms generally binding for members of society supports life together and thereby contributes to joint spiritual development” (Wundt, 1897, 358).

W. Wundt's judgments in this case are somewhat contradictory (for example, while postulating the possibility of the existence of unmotivated customs, he immediately denies it). This is the result of the inconsistency of his general psychological views. But, in general, the trend in the development of custom is certainly captured correctly. Particularly noteworthy is the remark about the creation of new and indirect goals for actions and movements that fall under the category of rules of decency and politeness. It is in this plane that, it seems to us, we should consider remotivation of the entire sphere of ritualized communicative actions and movements.

Among the Circassians, as well as among other peoples, it covers greetings and farewells, toasts and wishes, ritual communication, the practice of secondary, metaphorical names of people by word, to one degree or another, the entire sphere of traditional everyday culture of communication. Magical and semi-magical acts are thus transformed into symbols of friendship and unity, decorum and tact, respect and veneration, and in this secularized form are enshrined in etiquette. But at the same time, as was said, they retain their external form (technique of execution) in whole or in part. And she, as you know, is quite complex and intricate in herself. Take, for example, the technique of designating relatives by property. For a daughter-in-law, it is determined by a whole system of prescriptions for the secondary name of mother-in-law, father-in-law, brothers-in-law, sister-in-law, husband, children. This type of prescription also exists for the mother-in-law, the husband, and other persons within the kinship group.

This custom is motivated in all cases by the need for mutual respect and veneration. Meanwhile, it is magical in origin. Losing their original motivation, turning into symbols of decency, communicative actions and movements appear in the perception of the members of the ethnos themselves, but especially in the perception of outside observers, even more intricate, in other words, redundant (in terms of the pragmatics of communication). If we now consider all this in reverse order emphasized redundancy, motivated by decency, respect, veneration, then we will get courtly communication as the norm, as a rule, interaction and, therefore, courtly etiquette.

Of course, the courteous communication of the Circassians is not based on secularized actions and movements alone. A number of other factors operate in this direction: the taboo on boasting, veneration of the female sex, etc. But the remotivation of communicative actions played, as we will see, a special role in the formation of Adyghe etiquette and, above all, in terms of supplying it with courtly content, which extends its influence both to psychology , and on communication techniques.

And the last thing that needs to be said here. In contrast to the principles discussed above, the principle of remotivation of communicative actions is latent, that is, it is almost not recognized as such by the bulk of the population. Its presence and influence on etiquette is revealed as a result of a special analysis of communication standards in terms of their genesis. Nowadays, no one perceives the formula of expressing gratitude to Tkheraze kyphukhu as a prayer, as an appeal to God (Tkhyer arezy kyphukhu - may God be favorable to you), this connection is lost, repressed from consciousness, just as in the Russian environment the connection between the word “thank you” is lost ” and the prayer phrase “God bless.”

HOSPITALITY OF THE ADIGES

There are a lot of incompatible phenomena of social life, and among them is chivalry and stinginess. The knights of medieval France, Germany, Spain, Japan, just like the knights of feudal Circassia, subjected them to ridicule and expelled from their society anyone who was barely suspected of stinginess. Generosity is one of the most important points of any knightly etiquette.

The exceptional generosity of the Circassians has always attracted the attention of researchers, as can be judged by the statements of a number of Circassian and foreign authors of the 19th century: “If a worker sees a good dress, hat or other thing on the owner and wishes to have this thing, then the owner has no right to refuse it.” (Nogmov, 195B, 87). “...Circassians are not at all embarrassed to ask for what they like, and it would be funny to refuse them, since anyone has every right to ask for what they have” (Marigny, p. 309). “You just have to praise a chekmen, a horse or another thing, the Circassian immediately gives it to you” (Steel, 1900, 133). “Generosity and courage are the best means for the Circassians to gain fame...” (Khan-Girey, 1974, 298). It should be noted that to this day this quality is held in high esteem among the Circassians. There are also frequent cases when a person who has praised a hat, tie, book, etc. immediately receives these things as a gift from the owner. On a bus, taxi, restaurant, every man is in a hurry to pay for his friends and acquaintances. If someone is asked to borrow a small amount of money, he gives it back readily and considers it indecent to accept it back...

The generosity of the Circassians and other Caucasian and non-Caucasian peoples finds its highest embodiment in the custom of hospitality, in this, as L. Morgan puts it, “a wonderful adornment of humanity in an era of barbarism” (Morgan, 1934, 34).

The hospitality of the Circassians is widely known and described in both pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary literature (See: Interiano, pp. 50-51, Motre, 130-132; Lopatinsky, 1862, 80-82; Dubrovin, 1927; Gardanov, 1964; Kodzhesau, 1968; Mambetov, 1968, etc.). It, as L. Ya. Lullier first noted, should not be confused with the kunachism, the right of patronage and protection. It consists of “receiving and treating visitors and passers-by who stop to rest or spend the night in the house of a friend or even a complete stranger” (Lullier, 1859, 33; See also: Naloeva, 1971).

Since a detailed description of this social institution is already available (especially in the mentioned works of V.K. Gardanov and G.Kh. Mambetov), ​​we will touch here only on some aspects of the phenomenon of hospitality, mainly those that are related to the general focus of the book.

Hospitality, as you know, is a custom that dates back to ancient times. It was and remains, to one degree or another, a custom of all peoples globe. However, the question of the genetic roots of this ethnic universal remains open: some scientists interpret it incorrectly, others (by the way, the majority of them) completely bypass it.

Let us note from the very beginning that explanations such as “the general penchant for knightly wanderings naturally produced a universal respect for hospitality” (Bronevsky, 1823, 130), “it is based on universal human morality” (Shanaev, 1890) are not suitable for this case. Hospitality, presumably, arose in clan society, before the penchant for knightly wanderings, and it was not based on universal morality in the spirit of Feuerbach. Nevertheless, some scientists cannot abandon such views (See, for example, Taylor, 1882, 404; Chursin, 1913, 64; Magomedov, 1974, 288-289).

There is also a concept that declares hospitality to be a product of magic and religion. If desired, some reasons for this can be found. Among the ancient Indians, for example, hospitality is represented in the form of one of the varieties of sacrifice, cf. “Teaching sacrifice to Brahma, tarpana sacrifice to ancestors, homa to the gods, offering pain to spirits, hospitality sacrifice to people” (Laws of Manu, 1960, 59). The essence of the last sacrifice is in instructions like: “The arriving guest should be given a place to sit, water, and also food as much as possible, seasoned [it] properly. A guest who comes after sunset should not be kicked out by the owner, whether he arrived on time or not, let him not remain in his house unfed" (Laws of Manu, 1960, 61-62).

L. Levy-Bruhl, touching on the issue of hospitality and the custom of giving gifts to a guest, is essentially inclined to this point of view. Following a number of scientists who observed the life and culture of peoples at a low level of social development, he believes that the host’s cordiality and kindness are explained “first of all by the fear of opening the field of action to bad influence... Refusal causes anger in the person asking. This causes bad intentions, a hostile disposition (close to envy), which, once awakened, already has its own power and gives rise to evil. But this should be absolutely avoided” (Lévy-Bruhl, 1937, 74).

It is easy to notice that the named sacred and semi-sacred motives of hospitality are close to those that now guide representatives of all peoples of the world, even the most civilized ones. In this regard, Lévy-Bruhl is, of course, right, but it is difficult to agree that they (these motives) were original and not derived from any other. We mean a motive that should have developed on the basis of collective ownership practiced in the era of primitive communism. The consciousness that everything that society has is at the same time yours could not exist without the consciousness that “mine is at the same time social.”

This is where the extraordinary generosity and hospitality of some peoples comes from. Hence the striking similarity in the general contours of hospitality. We find the hospitality of the Circassians and other Caucasian peoples in almost the same form in which it was recorded among the ancient Jews, Germans, Spaniards, and Indians. The following description of hospitality among the Indians can also be applied to the Circassians: “If someone entered the house of an Indian in any Indian village, be it a fellow villager, a fellow tribesman or a stranger, the women of the house were obliged to offer him food. Neglecting this would be impolite, moreover, an insult. If the guest was hungry, he ate; if he was full, politeness required that he taste the food and thank the hosts. The same picture was repeated in any house he entered at any time of the day. This custom was observed extremely strictly, and the same hospitality was extended to strangers, both members of their own tribes and strangers” (Morgan, 1934, 31).

Judging by biblical legends reflecting the period of the XV-XVII centuries. BC e., the ancient Jews were no less hospitable than the Indians. They invited unfamiliar strangers into the house, let them wash, set the table with food, and as a sign of respect for the guests, they did not sit with them, “but stood nearby, pushing food and drink to them” (See Kosidovsky, 1965, 51). Just like the inhabitants of feudal Circassia, they considered it necessary to protect the honor and dignity of the guest by all possible means. Those who violated the rules of hospitality were punished in the most cruel way. (See The Legend of the Crime of the Sons of Benjamin).

L. Morgan is one of the first scientists to show that hospitality is a product of socio-economic relations of the early tribal system. “Explanations for the law of hospitality,” he writes, must be sought in collective land ownership, in the distribution of agricultural products, among households consisting of a certain number of families, and in the communist system of domestic life...” (Morgan, 1934, 41). Having accepted this point of view, we must, therefore, admit that the hospitality of the Circassians and the neighboring Caucasian peoples rested on the remnants of economic life characteristic of clan society.

Once arose, the custom of hospitality was gradually, to one degree or another, sanctified, specified, and justified by religion. “The Indians,” writes J. Heckevelder, believe that the “great spirit” created the earth and everything on it for the common good of people. He gave them a country rich in game, and he did it not for the benefit of a few, but for the benefit of all. All things were given to the sons of men for a common possession. Everything that lives on the earth, everything that grows on it, everything that lives in the rivers and waters flowing on the earth, all this was given to everyone together, and each person has the right to his share. This is the source of Indian hospitality, which is not a virtue, but a strict duty” (Quoted in Morgan, 1934, 33-34). Among the Circassians, as far as one can judge from the epic, hospitality was encouraged pagan gods. They themselves set an example of hospitality, inviting prominent people to their feasts. Receiving and treating a guest is one of the forms of acquiring psape. The latter must be understood not simply as goodness or virtue (See Shaov, 1975, 252), but as a special reaction of god (gods) to the actions of the owner, namely the reaction of favor and remission of sins. Psape is the antithesis of what the Circassians call guenykh - sin. Therefore, it is a sin to violate the principle of hospitality. It is not for nothing that Khan-Girey writes: “Circassians in general, when receiving guests, are confident that they are doing what is pleasing to the creator” (1836, 326).

Moreover, compliance with the principle of hospitality was strictly controlled by public opinion. Those who violated it were subjected to “trial and punishment” (Nogmov, 1958, 79), they “become the subject of popular contempt, honest people lose respect for them and are abhorred by their community, offensive reproaches meet them at every step...” (Khan-Girey, 1836, 325). And currently, the leading role in maintaining hospitality is played by the opinion of the public: neighbors, acquaintances, relatives, and the guests themselves.

The explicit model of Adyghe hospitality is unique and extremely complex; in the era of chivalry, it was redesigned and supplemented with completely new elements that were unusual for the hospitality of the tribal society. The studies available to date do not provide a complete picture of this. Therefore, it would be necessary to consistently, step by step, identify the whole variety of standards and attributes of communicative behavior related to a given social institution, which, as was said, is not typical for traditional ethnographic work. However, the list of points of Adyghe hospitality given below also does not pretend to be complete. It presents only the basic content of the rituals provided for by hospitality, but with an emphasis on thoroughness and detail in the description. For the same purpose, the list includes the corresponding proverbs; they, as is known, best reflect the external pattern and internal meaning of the traditional everyday culture of an ethnic group.

So, the main points of Adyghe hospitality are the following:
1. The guest is a sacred, inviolable person. He brings with him happiness and prosperity. Adygem heshch1e and sh1asesch - The Adygs have a favorite guest.
2. The custom of hospitality applies to all Circassians, regardless of their condition. “The poorest classes are just as hospitable as the higher ones, and a poor person, even a peasant, will treat him with whatever he can and feed the horses, and what he does not have himself, he will borrow from others.” (Steel, 1900, 135).
3. It is the duty of every Adyghe to invite to his home those who may need food and lodging. “Any stranger walking through the village, having met the first village resident, hears the traditional “eblag'e” welcome. He sincerely invites you into his home and treats you” (Kodjesau, 1968, 282).
4. The right of hospitality is enjoyed by old and young, rich and poor, man and woman, enemy and friend: Khyeshch1e sh1ale shchy1ekkym - A guest is never young; Khyesh1e lei shpekyim - There is no such thing as too many guests; Hyeshch1eu kyphuek1uame, ui zhaguegyuri nybzhyegushch - If you came as a guest, then your enemy is your friend.
5. A guest from distant lands is held in the highest esteem. This explains the magnificent meeting and farewell foreign travelers, who then spoke enthusiastically about Adyghe hospitality.
6. At some distance from the residential building, each family builds a special guest house*** - heshch1eshch

* This and a significant part of all other proverbs used in the book are given from a two-volume edition of Adyghe proverbs: Kardangushev et al., 1965; Gukemukh et al., 1967.
** Bysym is the host of the guest, the owner of the house. Goes back to the ancient Iranian f "sumant, possessing livestock, cattle owner (Abaev, 1949, 74).
*** Previously, the wealthiest families even had two guest houses: kheshch1eshch - kunatskaya and kheshch1eshch zhyant1e - honorary kunatskaya. See about this: Lulye, 1859, 33. (Kunatskaya) and a hitching post nearby. In the kunatskaya there are always: tripod tables for treating guests, a bed, a carpet, a copper jug ​​(kubgan) and a copper or wooden bowl for washing, a towel, and often musical instruments (shyk1e pshyne - violin, bzhyami - pipe). Weapons are usually hung on the walls of the kunatskaya. “Outside the courtyard, at a distance of fifty to one hundred steps, there is a hut for guests, in which they do not live and which is intended for guests. Even a poor Circassian never forgets to build a hut for guests in his yard” (Lapinsky, 1862, 62). “We dismounted from Indar-Ogly, who, together with his son Nogai, came out to meet us at the gates of his courtyard and took us to the guest room, where the walls were decorated with sabers, daggers, bows, arrows, pistols, guns, helmets and a large number of chain mails” ( Marigny, p. 307).
7. The doors of the kunatskaya are open at any time of the day or night. Any passerby can enter and sit there without asking the owners. “A guest who arrived at night could enter the guest house unnoticed by anyone, so the owner of the house was obliged to look into the guest house before going to bed. A horse tied to a hitching post could also indicate the arrival of a guest” (Mambetov, 1968, 231).
8. In case guests arrive, you must always have supplies of food.
9. Having seen the guest, the owner is obliged to go out to meet him and greet him with the formula f1ehjus apshchy, eblag'e - Come well, welcome. Other greeting formulas are not suitable for this case.
10. The rider is helped to dismount, holding the horse by the bridle and taking care of food for the latter.
11. The guests enter the kunatskaya first, everyone else follows them. Nowadays, due to the absence of a special guest house, the eldest man from among the hosts goes ahead to indicate the room that is intended for guests.
12. Having escorted the guest to the kunatskaya, you should help him take off his outer clothing, weapons and seat him in the place of honor.
13. Hosts do not sit down at the same time as the guest. Only after urgent requests from the latter does the one who, in terms of age and status, is closest to the guest, sit down. If there are none, then no one sits down, everyone stands.
14. The guest is asked about his health, and, after some time, about the news.
15. It is forbidden to ask a guest for three days about who he is, where he is going, where he came from, for what purpose, for what time, where he is heading next, etc. “... the guest, if he wished, could maintain complete incognito" (Dubrovin, 1927, 8).
16. After three days, that is, after the guest had been given all the honors required by etiquette, the owner could ask what business he was busy with and how he could be useful to him. Bysym considered it his sacred duty to contribute to the achievement of the goals that the guest was pursuing.
17. It is unacceptable to leave a guest alone in the room. Neighbors, sons and daughters of the owner alternately come to him and greet him, but, as a rule, they do not sit down, but soon leave or stand, listening to the conversation of the elders, carrying out their instructions. “Between arrival and dinner, neighbors appear with greetings; it would be inconsiderate to leave a guest alone in the living room. The owner’s daughter also comes to visit and they always bring her a dish of fresh or dry vegetables, depending on the time of year; the guest invites her to sit down and after a short conversation she leaves” (Lhulier, 1859.34).
18. The table should be set as quickly as possible with the best of what is in the house. While the main meal is being prepared, the guest is offered fruit, cheese and pasta (hard-cooked millet porridge), etc. Then meat dishes usually follow in this order: fried meat (ly gezhya), chicken in sauce (dzed lybzhye), boiled lamb or beef ( hyeshch1enysh). The meal ends with meat broth, which is drunk from wooden bowls without spoons. As for alcoholic drinks, they serve makhsyme, a type of mash made from millet. Each dish is served on small tripod tables. “...Soon dinner was served on fifteen small tables, which replaced each other as we tried the dishes on them” (Marigny, p. 307); “...Following the washing, a row of low round tables filled with food was brought” (Tornau, 1864, 418).
19. Before eating, the guest is asked to wash his hands. At the same time, the wife, son or daughter of the owner brings a bowl to the guest, pours water on his hands from a kubgan and holds a clean towel ready. All this is done right there in the kunatskaya, so the guest does not even have to get up from his seat.
20. When other needs are satisfied, the guest is accompanied by one of the family members, shows him the guest restroom and returns with him. There is always a cup with water in the guest restroom, and often a towel and mirror hang there too.
21. At the table, the hosts make sure that the guest eats as much as possible and is satisfied.
22. It is considered tactless to eat your portion before the guest, since in this case the guest will also be forced to tear himself away from food. Hence the remark of T. de Marigny: “for a Circassian it is shameful to eat faster than a foreigner” (p. 296).
23. After the meal, the guest is served water again so that he can wash his hands.
24. Avoid arguing with the guest, if, of course, he behaves within the bounds of decency provided for by etiquette.
25. Decency requires that hosts not talk to each other in the presence of a guest.
25. To entertain the guest of honor, they invite neighbors and relatives appropriate to his age and rank, organize dances, games, sing songs, etc. “ The best singers and the village musicians were present at the guest's reception. Dances were organized for the young guest, and for the noble traveler, horse racing, horse riding, target shooting, national wrestling, and sometimes hunting were organized. Everything was done that could glorify the village of the owner with whom the guest was staying” (Mambetov, 1968, 236-237).
27. Even a hint that the guest has stayed too long and it’s time for him to leave the house is completely excluded: Khyesh1e kashe shchy1eshchi, hyesch1e ishyzh shchy1ekym There is an invitation to the guest, but there is no sending the guest away.
28. While the guest is in the house, his outer clothing, if required, is cleaned and put in order. If a guest stays overnight, in the morning he finds his clothes washed and ironed.
29. Before going to bed, they help the guest take off his shoes and wash his feet (this was usually done by the owner’s daughter). This custom, most characteristic of the Abkhazians, disappeared among the Circassians already in the 19th century.
30. The sacred duty of the host is to protect the peace and protect the honor of the guest. If necessary, he fulfills this duty with weapons in his hands: Adyge and hyeshch1e bydap1e isch - Adyge is a guest in the fortress.
31. A guest who is about to leave is persistently asked to sit still, to stay overnight, for several days.
32. It is customary to give gifts to the most honored guests.
33. A guest leaving the house is helped to dress and mount a horse, holding the horse by the bridle and holding the left stirrup.
34. A guest sitting in the saddle is sometimes given a bowl of makhsym, the so-called stirrup shesyzhybzhye.
35. It is necessary to escort the guest to the edge of the village, at least beyond the gates of the estate... Guests arriving from afar, and especially foreigners, are escorted to their next destination or accompanied throughout the entire trip around the country.
36. Parting with the guest, he wishes him a happy journey, all the best and urgently asks him to come again.
37. After saying goodbye, the owner waits for the guest to move some distance away. It is indecent to turn around and immediately return to the house. This, so to speak, is the charter that determines the host’s behavior towards the guest. But there are also rules regarding the behavior of a guest in someone else's home. Some of them are designed to alleviate, to some extent, the inconvenience caused to the hosts, the other part records ways of demonstrating gratitude for a warm welcome;
38. The guest is the first to greet the host with the exclamation: Selam alaikum, daue fyschythe - Selam alaikum, how are you.
39. He surrenders entirely to the power of the owner, who strives to comply with all points of hospitality: ui unafesh - If you are visiting, what will they tell you the law for you; Khyesh1er melym nekh're nekh 1eseshch - A guest is humbler than a sheep.
40. People condemn a guest who, for one reason or another, without accepting traditional honors from one owner, goes to another, for example, to a neighbor - Zi bysym zykhyuezhy chyts1ykhyu huauk1 - To the one who changes the owner, a kid [skinny] is slaughtered.
41. When visiting, you should not eat or drink a lot, so as not to be branded a glutton and a drunkard. “If a guy or an old man in a family goes to a wedding, then they feed him to his fill, saying “1enem utefisch1yhyu umyk1ue” - Don’t go to clear the table [on a visit] (AF, 1963, 214).
42. The guest is prohibited from the slightest interference in family affairs. It is considered tactless to get up from your seat unnecessarily, go out of the kunatskaya into the courtyard, or look into the kitchen where food is being prepared. “...during the entire stay in someone else’s house, the guest, according to the custom of the old days, remained as if chained to his place: getting up and walking around the room would not only be a departure from decency, but many of his compatriots would even consider it a crime” (Dubrovin , 1927, 8).
43. The guest should be well versed in how long he needs to stay in the kunatskaya so as not to offend the owner for leaving quickly and not to become a burden to him for a long stay. “It is considered discourteous to stay with one owner for more than two nights, although the owner will not show anyone the door” (Lapinsky, 1862, 84). Hyeshch1ap1eryner emyk1ushch - It is indecent to linger at a party. Having finished the meal, the guest thanks the hosts in expressions like: Fi eryskyr ubague - May your food multiply.
44. It is considered desecration of the house to sort things out at a party, settle old scores, quarrel, abuse, etc. “... In cases of enmity and bloodshed, persons having enmity do not show each other feigned attention and politeness, but, on the contrary, show that They don’t notice each other and stay away from each other. All this is done naturally, without pretense or affectation” (Steel, 1900, 121).
45. It is absolutely unacceptable to insult the dignity of the members of the family you are staying with, for example, flirting with the host’s wife or daughter. In this regard, L. Ya. Lhuillier writes: “Often in such cases I looked closely at the external behavior of the mountaineers and found them decent and alien to any impudence” (1859, 34).
46. ​​The guest does not demand services or gifts, and when they are offered to him, out of decency he refuses for a while.
47. The guest must refrain from praising certain things in the host’s house: this can be perceived as a request that, according to custom, cannot be refused, i.e., ultimately, as extortion.
48. When leaving the house, the guest is obliged to thank for the welcome and say goodbye to the older members of the family.
49. Before mounting the horse, the guest turns his head towards the house, which symbolizes his good mood and gratitude to the owners. “If the guests were dissatisfied with the owner, they mounted their horses with their backs to the owner’s yard, and if they were happy, then they turned the heads of their horses towards the owner’s yard...” (Kirzhinov, 1974, 172).
50. The guest (especially if he is young) refuses to be helped onto his horse or escorted beyond the gate. He does this even when he definitely knows that the owners will insist on their own.

The listed points of hospitality, of course, do not exhaust the entire content of this public institution. But as preliminary material for analysis (including comparative, typological analysis), they are quite suitable. We can, in particular, point out the following features of Adyghe hospitality.

In its general pattern, it coincides with the hospitality of peoples at the lower and middle stages of barbarism (Australian aborigines, Indians, etc.). This can only be explained by the identity of the forms of historical development of culture of all peoples of the globe. Among the Circassians, as well as among all other peoples, hospitality goes back to the “communist system of home life” characteristic of clan society (Morgan).

Retaining common features ancient, primitive hospitality, the hospitality of the Circassians of the era of feudalism acquired a completely different quality: it became integral part, the constructive principle of chivalry in general and knightly etiquette in particular. “There are three qualities,” writes J. Longworth, which in these parts give a man the right to fame: courage, eloquence and hospitality; or...a sharp sword, a sweet tongue and forty tables” (Longworth, p. 516). Knightly etiquette made its own amendments to hospitality, supplemented it with completely new points, and, in essence, completely subordinated it to its principles. At the same time, for obvious reasons, it would be naive to believe that chivalry gave rise to hospitality.

Hospitality has always occupied an important place in the life of the Circassians. In the era of feudalism, it also became fertile ground for the formation and development of original knightly etiquette. And it’s not just the statute of hospitality itself. The place of this public institution in the traditional everyday culture of the Circassians and other Caucasian peoples was determined primarily by its social functions. Being a kind of epicenter of national and interethnic contacts, hospitality played a huge role in intensifying and optimizing communication within an ethnic group and beyond. It stimulated and facilitated the transmission of culture from one generation to another, thereby performing the function of integration and social control. Finally, hospitality contributed to the transmission and adoption cultural values other, especially neighboring, peoples. We can therefore agree that the kunatskaya is a kind of public institution that originally belonged to the entire community (Magomedov, 1974, 295). “Here for the first time... new heroic songs were performed, news was shared, young people learned songs, dances, politics, wisdom, history, knightly etiquette - everything that a young aristocrat, and in modern times a young Adyghe in general, needed. Kunatskaya was a restaurant, a concert hall, an office where political problems were solved, and a university for the younger generation” (Naloev, 1976).

Currently, having ceded its functions to other social institutions and institutions, hospitality has lost its former public importance. At the same time, it became less refined and magnificent, more flexible and generalized. And yet, despite this, the main points of Adyghe hospitality firmly hold their positions in the system of elements of the traditional everyday culture of the ethnic group.

REVERENCE FOR WOMEN

Shchyhubz psherykh khushchane - The loot (gift) is left to the woman. In the past, this proverb was very common among the eastern Circassians. It probably arose as a reflection (and the need to maintain) a custom according to which a man returning from a hunt or a military campaign or raid was supposed to give part of the spoils to a woman he met along the way. Then, as often happens, the meaning of the proverb expanded. It has become a concentrated expression of a chivalrous attitude towards a woman, realized in a number of communication standards fixed in etiquette. Help a woman in trouble, fulfill her every request if possible, protect her duty of honor to every man. People who know well the life, culture, and national psychology of the Circassians have more than once observed this principle in action. The one who violated it was condemned and severely punished, saying at the same time: And guegu myguem ezhen, ts1yhubz psherykh khushchane zhyhua1er psch1erke - Let you go on an unhappy journey, don’t you know what “Shchyhubz psherykh khushchane” is?

The question arises how this is consistent with the statements of some scientists about the almost complete lack of rights and humiliation of Adyghe women in the past. Of course, you can’t give a definite answer to this. One thing is clear: judgments of this kind, although not unfounded, are still, apparently, not sufficiently substantiated.

First of all, it should be noted that the traditions of matriarchy among the Circassians turned out to be very stable. The people still have images of the wise Satanei, the leader of the Narts, their adviser in all difficult matters, the intelligent and courteous Malechipkh, the female hero Lashin, and the bright-armed Adiyukh. The idea of ​​honoring women runs through the entire Nart epic as a red line.

Judging by the statements of authors of the 7th-19th centuries, Adyghe women had great freedom in dealing with men. “They were sociable and kind... writes Olearius. Some even invited us to come into their homes.” (Olearius, p. 84). Ya. Ya. Streis (pp. 215-216) and P. G. Brus speak in the same spirit. “Their good humor and pleasant ease in conversation,” writes the latter, make them very desirable; despite all this, they are reputed to be very chaste...” (Bruce, p. 149).

The early 19th century author Thébout de Marigny summed up his observations of the situation of women in Circassia as follows: “The fair sex here, although destined for a very hard life, is far from condemned, as, for example, among the Turks, to eternal seclusion. Girls especially are admitted to all festivities, which they enliven with their playfulness, and their company is one of the best ways relaxation for men, with whom girls communicate with the greatest ease” (Marigny, p. 296).

In the late Middle Ages, it was widely believed among European and partly Asian countries that the women of feudal Circassia were the most beautiful in the world. This further increased the interest of scientists and travelers in their morals and social status, but at the same time gave rise to very contradictory judgments on this matter. In some sources they are presented as chaste and bashful, in others, on the contrary, immodest and capricious, and sometimes chaste and immodest at the same time. Messages of the second and third types are especially characteristic of authors of the 17th-18th centuries. (except for those mentioned above, see: Pallas, p. 221) and to a much lesser extent for the authors of the 19th century, which suggests a gradual change in relations between the sexes in a class society and the emergence of all more rules requiring a woman to be more restrained in her behavior.

Nevertheless, among the Circassians to this day there are memories of the distant past, when women had great freedom in relations with men. True, facts of this kind in themselves cannot serve as evidence of veneration of the female sex; this was just the sanctioning of certain relations (inherited from matriarchy), probably going beyond the scope of proper etiquette behavior. Etiquette establishes other standards of interaction that most directly indicate a respectful, polite and modest attitude towards a woman. About them and we'll talk further.

According to the customs of the Circassians, a man had to protect the woman in every possible way and help her. For example, if a woman was chopping wood, then every man passing by was obliged to offer his services. The same applies to all other cases when a woman does hard, “male” work. A woman’s request for help was usually fulfilled by a man unquestioningly (See: Khan-Girey, 1836, 315).

A quarrel or swearing in her presence was considered the greatest disgrace. A woman could stop any actions of men, as soon as she was told: Shch'el'asch1em khyetyr i1ek'e - on myg'ue - A woman's headscarf (a woman) doesn't deserve respect (condescension) unless she touches the headscarf on her head with her right hand. 80-year-old P. Albotov from the village. Kakhun told us that in this way the wife of Prince Tausultanov forced her sons to abandon their firm intention to kill the man, who, as it later turned out, was falsely accused of the murder of their elder brother. A woman could resort to the same technique in many other situations of this type, for example, when it was necessary to shame men who behaved too familiarly.

As a result of our observations and inquiries, it was found that three forms of this standard of communication were practiced, which differed in intensity and force of influence on the addressee: 1) pronouncing the above formula, 2) pronouncing the formula while simultaneously touching the scarf, 3) throwing off the scarf. The most irreconcilable enemies would stop fighting if a woman tore off her scarf and threw it between them.

Circassian women appeared in society with an open face, shook hands with men freely and without coercion, and in some cases spoke at meetings and even went on raids together with horsemen. The same applies to Ossetian and especially Abkhaz women. They also had great rights in the family and outside it (See Kaloev, 1967, 186-189; Machivariani, 1884) and tirelessly defended them. K. Machivariani writes in this regard: “For a long time, the protection of family interests among the Abkhazians rested with the woman, who in all her affairs in this case walked hand in hand with women belonging to neighboring tribes: Circassians, Ubykhs and Dzhigets. The attempt to destroy various time-honored rights of women caused a series of unrest here, which always ended in the victory of female influence” (1884, 10).

It is known that the Circassians usually did not have more than one wife. Etiquette dictated being polite and courteous with her; It was considered a matter of honor for every man to create conditions under which his wife could dress decently and with taste. “When a husband hits or showers abusive words on his wife, writes Khan-Girey, he becomes an object of ridicule, just as if he, having the means, does not dress her according to his condition” (1836, 316) [Hence proverbs like Fyzym euer l1ymykhushchi , huer zymyder l1y delash - a man who beats his wife is a worthless man who doesn’t understand jokes; L1ykhur fyzdeubzeshi, l1ybzyr fyzdeueishch - A real husband is affectionate with his wife, a husband-woman beats his wife.].

The wife managed the household affairs and enjoyed great authority in the family. “Among the Shapsugs,” writes M. O. Kosven, senior woman patronymia was called “the bald gouache - the princess of the house”, all women of the patronymia turned to her for advice, she was the main housewife and manager in any family of the patronymia during a wedding, funeral, wake, etc., she was an obligatory adviser when choosing a groom or bride and etc.” (Kosven, 1963, 201).

If a husband oppressed his wife, she collected her things, went to her parents and returned only after assurances from her husband and his relatives that this would not happen again. Usually, “the husband’s treatment of his wife is modest and delicate,” testifies K. F. Stahl (1900, 128). It is impossible, however, to agree with his statement and at the same time Kucherov’s statement that Circassian girls do not have any opportunity to talk and explain with their suitors (See: Leontovich, pp. 172 and 117).

There were at least three possibilities of explanation: 1) at festivals, during ballroom dancing; 2) during the sh1opshchak1ue ritual; 3) the groom’s visit to the girl’s house and a conversation in a separate room in the presence of third parties (usually the girl’s sisters or girlfriends, friends of the groom). This visit is known among the Circassians under the names hydzhebzaplee, pselyyhu. “When a girl reaches marriageable age, write E. L. Kodzhesau and M. A. Meretukov, a special room is allocated for her, and parents consider it indecent to enter there. Young people can visit her there. A young man can even go to an unfamiliar girl and, if he likes her, ask for her hand in marriage” (1964, 137).

Guys also have a special room (or house) - legyune (room for friends). “Almost every evening young people gather in the lagoon and have fun dancing, singing, playing the violin or harmonica. Any young man who wants to have fun can go there, but girls come to the lagoon only by invitation” (Kodjesau and Meretukov, 1964, 143).

Under these conditions, some knightly elements of Adyghe etiquette were formed. Special place Among them, various kinds of attention were paid to representatives of the female sex, as evidenced by Khan-Girey, A. Keshev and other Adyghe authors, who probably knew the life of the Circassians better than others and had a deeper understanding of their psychology. The first of them, in the ethnographic essay “Faith, Morals, Customs and Way of Life of the Circassians,” writes: “Young Circassians, having free relations with girls, have the opportunity to please each other and make their feelings clear” (Khan-Girey, 1974, 184). The second in the story “Scarecrow” brought out the image of the beautiful Adyghe girl Nazika and showed examples of chivalrous attitude towards the female sex, typical of the Adyghe people. Worshiping the beauty and kindness of Nazika, the young men give her various gifts and are ready to fulfill all her whims: “In the whole village there would not be a horseman who would not throw himself into fire and water at one word from her, and one of them would be considered unworthy of the name of a man “who would dare not to fulfill her sacred will” (A. Keshev, 1977, III). During the festivities, at which Nazika was invariably present, “there was no empty space left in the village from the visiting horsemen,” shots in her honor were constantly heard around the area, so that “the very sky was hidden behind the gunpowder smoke,” men “often grabbed their weapons, challenging each other for the honor of making two or three circles with her,” and the Geguakos praised the princess in the manner of the troubadours of Provence: “You are the beauty and pride of the Adyghe land... Your eyes are more beautiful shining stars in the blue sky. Your body is more flexible than the reeds that grow on the banks of the Belaya River. Happy is the young man who calls you his own. May Allah send happiness on earth to your parents, and when they die, may He open the gates of heaven for them. Don’t think, beauty, that I’m flattering you. My mother gave birth to me not to flatter, but to tell people the truth, and with my meager words to glorify the deeds of brave young men and the beauty of our girls. Well, dance, well done! Praise my Nazika with me to all corners of the world. Let Circassian girls imitate her in everything, and let the young men yearn for her” (Keshev, 1977, 112-113).

To avoid the impression that this is a fiction typical of works of art, let us refer to the testimony of F. Tornau, an officer of the Russian troops, who, as was said, was captured by the Kabardians for about two years and learned their language: “The Circassians do not hide girls; they do not wear veils, are in male company, dance with young people and walk freely among guests; therefore, everyone could see her (meaning Aiteka’s sister Kanukova B.B.) and, having seen, glorify her beauty” (Tornau, 1864, 38).

J. Longworth speaks in the same spirit. He considers it necessary to point out the “weak, in his opinion, touch of chivalry” that is found in the attitude of men towards women and in support of this he cites the following facts: “At festivals, it is a custom for young people to raise a cup with a buza with a toast in honor of the chosen one of their hearts, to defuse shotgun or pistol in the air. The challenge is immediately accepted by those who have a charge of gunpowder... to assert in the same manner the superiority of their own passions. Another custom that exists here is to take part in a race for a prize, which is in the hands of a beautiful mademoiselle and is a decorated pistol holster, the work of her delicate fingers” (Longworth, p. 574). Similarly, at races held during funerals, young men “challenge the prizes in order to present their prize to the lady as a tribute to her beauty” (Bess, p. 345).

Among the examples of chivalry is the above-mentioned custom of standing up at the sight of a woman. It should be noted that even now it is strictly observed in Adyghe villages. Respectable old men of eighty, ninety, or even a hundred years old rise decorously when women who are not even thirty pass along the street.

Finally, until very recently, a custom observed back in the 19th century was preserved. J. de Bessom (p. 346), according to which a horseman, having met a woman on the way (in the field), dismounted and accompanied her to her destination, leaving his business for a while, no matter how important they were. At the same time, he held the reins in his left hand, and the woman walked on the right side of honor.

I think that the examples given are enough to shake the idea of ​​the complete lack of rights and humiliation of Adyghe women in the past.

Of course, the thesis about their dependent position cannot be denied entirely. Indeed, in the family, as a rule, the husband dictated his terms, although he was not the undivided master. But in most cases this is only an appearance: the wife shows her husband external signs of respect and submission; this is the custom, but in fact, the woman managed the affairs of the family, and in this regard, her position resembles that of a Japanese woman (See Ovchinnikov, 1975, 63). Observation of modern Kabardian families, in which the best traditions of the Adyghe Khabze are maintained, indicate the same. We see that very often the wife’s opinion turns out to be decisive when the question arises about building a house, getting a son married, or enrolling him in college. educational institution etc. As for other smaller problems, the husband does not interfere in them at all; the wife decides everything. The same is observed among the Adyghe people (Kodzhesau and Meretukov, 1964, 122).

We are also not inclined to deny that women did the hard work around the house, while men were less burdened with chores and had more free time [This applies especially to men belonging to the upper class. Compare: “The Circassian nobleman spends his life on horseback in thieves’ raids, in dealings with the enemy, or traveling to visit guests. At home, he spends the whole day, lying in the kunatsky, open to every passerby, cleaning weapons, straightening his horse harness, and most often doing nothing.” Tornau, 1864, 60.]. Indeed, this was the case in the 19th century. “The duty of a Circassian wife is difficult,” wrote Khan-Girey, she sews all her husband’s clothes, from head to toe; Moreover, the whole burden of household management lies with her” (1836.60).

Is it possible, however, following some scientists, to consider this as unconditional evidence of the humiliation of women? Clearly not. Let us remember what F. Engels wrote about this: “The division of labor between both sexes is determined not by the position of women in society, but by completely different reasons. Peoples whose women have to work much more than we think they should, often have much more genuine respect for women than our Europeans. A lady from the era of civilization, surrounded by seeming respect and alien to any real work, occupies an infinitely lower social position than a woman from the era of barbarism doing hard work...” (F. Engels, 1961, 53). In this regard, we can refer to a number of other scientists, for example, M. M. Kovalevsky (1939, 89-90), the modern Polish scientist M. Fritzhand (1976, 114).

It remains to be said that when considering the position of women in the pre-revolutionary past, this past is sometimes unjustifiably abstract. The pre-revolutionary past is calculated in centuries, millennia, therefore each phenomenon within these limits must be considered specifically historically. The situation of Adyghe women in the 17th-18th centuries. is very different from its situation in the pre-revolutionary period of history. Since the first quarter of the 19th century. and for a whole century, women's social position steadily declined. In addition to socio-economic reasons (the development of feudalism, the beginnings of capitalist social relations), this was facilitated by the increasing influence of the Muslim faith, propagated by Turkey and the entire Muslim East. With the adoption of Islam, a woman lost some of her rights. This was one of the reasons for the ambivalent, contradictory attitude towards her, about which A. Keshev wrote: “Our highlander values ​​a woman, although at the same time he oppresses her. Circassian enslaved her, reduced her to the level of a toy, following the example of the depraved East, but at the same time made her the subject of enthusiastic praise and songs1” (1977, 113). J. Bell concretized this idea: “The modern position and morals of Circassian women have arisen from a mixture of Turkish and Circassian customs, only it seems that the former predominates for married women, and the latter for unmarried women” (Bell, p. 503). Dubois de Montpere (1937, 47-48), N. Albov (1893, 138-139) and others write about the same thing.

One cannot ignore the fact that girls were freed from hard work in order to preserve their beauty and be more profitable to marry. “It should be noted,” writes T. Lapinsky, that while women are tortured by work, girls, both rich and poor, are very protected. They are freed from all household and field work [However, all women were freed from field work; they came here occasionally to help the men] work, they do only sewing...” (Lapinsky, 1862, 79).

And one more circumstance must be taken into account when considering the position of the Circassian woman in the past - her class affiliation. Women of the upper class, as a number of pre-revolutionary and especially post-revolutionary authors rightly noted, had much greater freedom in communication. This is quite natural and does not seem to require much explanation.

REVERENCE OF ELDERS

In the family and outside it, it greatly affects the communicative behavior of the younger ones. “Not only the son in front of his father, but also the younger brother does not dare to sit in front of the elder and does not enter into conversation in the presence of strangers. Likewise, in conversations where elders meet in summer, young people do not dare speak loudly or laugh, but are obliged to answer modestly the questions asked of them” (Bronevsky, 1823, 123). These models, described by the famous Russian historian of the first half of the 19th century c., were preserved among the Circassians almost unchanged and to this day act as instructions for behavior during a conversation. In general, older people, regardless of status and gender, are in a special position here, thanks to which old age finds protection from loneliness and ridicule. The German scientist of the last century, K. Koch, wrote in this regard: “While in our country, unfortunately, the state very rarely takes the elderly under protection, and they are completely dependent on the younger generation, among the Circassians the elderly are universally respected. Anyone who insults an old man or an elderly woman is not only subject to general contempt, but his act is discussed by the people’s assembly, and he bears punishment for it depending on the magnitude of the offense” (Koch, p. 591).

Young people are required to show modesty in the presence of elders; bragging, boasting and generally any lengthy speeches about one’s person are considered a gross violation of etiquette. A young man with all his appearance must express attention, respect for the elder, and readiness to carry out any of his instructions. This attitude eliminates the possibility of keeping your hands in your pockets, standing half-bent, sitting slumped, fidgeting in a chair, turning your back to others, scratching the back of your head, nose, smoking, chewing, resting your cheek or forehead with your hand; there are special polite and modest formulas for addressing elders, to express gratitude to them, the placement of elders and younger ones in space is subject to special rules, etc., etc. And one more detail: the elder, surrounded by the younger ones, can speak with almost complete confidence that his words will be listened to with attention and respect, even when they run counter to the actual state of affairs or to the plans and expectations of the younger ones. In short, in the regulation of communicative acts and movements, age roles occupy no less a place than social roles in the sense in which they are represented in American social psychology. (See Berlo 1960, 136). It’s not for nothing that Russian army officer F. Tornau, who was held captive by the Kabardians for two years (1836-1838), wrote: “The highlanders place summers in the hostel above rank. A young man of the highest birth is obliged to stand before every old man without asking his name, to give him his seat, not to sit down without his permission, to remain silent before him, to answer his questions meekly and respectfully. Every service rendered to the gray haired man is given honor to the young man.

Even an old slave is not completely excluded from this rule” (Tornau, 1864, 419). It should be noted, however, that this is only general rule. The class division of society introduced its own amendments to it. The old-timers sat down. Zayukovo (KBASSR) claim that before the revolution, at festivities, very often a beardless prince or nobleman was seated in a place of honor, and elders from the lower class did not even dare to stand next to them. Similarly, when meeting with the prince, peasants, regardless of their age, were obliged to dismount, “showing signs of respect for his dignity” (Khan-Gireyt 1836, 322). Referring to the custom of shudegaze following the horseman, the prince sometimes forced a whole convoy of carts encountered along the way to follow him. Thus, the ancient, democratic foundations of the principle of honoring elders were shaken. The nobility used it for their own purposes and interests.

This is especially true of the pre-revolutionary period of history, when the class division of society, following the example of the Russians, acquired significant proportions, up to the emergence of sharp antagonistic contradictions between the exploitative elite and the common people. In former times, that is, back in the first half of the 19th century, the power of princes and nobles was limited to the people's assembly. They say, for example, that one of the Kabardian princes was deprived of this title because, having abused his power, he allowed, and in fact, forced, a convoy of peasant carts to follow him.

Respect for elders sometimes appeared in exaggerated form. Sh. Mashkuashev (village of St. Cherek, KBASSR) claims that in the past a man walking alone along the street had to keep to the left side of the road, symbolically yielding the right, honorable side to the eldest in the clan (if there is one). For the same reason, he, being the eldest at the table, refused to perform the ritual of dividing shkh'el'enykue (a ram's head divided in two). The younger one was strictly forbidden to call out to the older one. To attract the attention of the elder, it was necessary to enter the field of view of the latter and then address him. Hence two proverbs, differently reflecting the same standard of communication: Nekhyzhym k1el'ydzherkym, - k1el'ok1ue - They don’t call out to the elder, they catch up with him; Koodzher nekhyizhsch - [The one] who calls out to you is older. In addition to this, before saying anything to the elders leading the conversation, the younger one was supposed to update a special polite-respectful formula for entering the conversation: Kyshuevgegyu, fe fi psch1ykh huediz akyyl si1ekkym se, aue khuit syfsch1ame, zy psalae nyfheslkhyenut - Sorry, I didn’t I have the wisdom [mind] of your dreams, but if you would allow me, I would say one word.

The principle of respect for elders determines the seating order at the table. In this case, a psychologically curious situation arises: everyone is afraid to take a place that does not correspond to their age and rank, and therefore they stand in indecision for some time, measuring their age with the age of those present. At the same time, local disputes and bickering often arise: each strives to give up the most honorable place to the other, proving that it rightfully belongs to him, and not to his insignificant person. It is not difficult to understand that these actions are manifestations of those properties of national character that were mentioned above. Anyone who violates the rules of honor (nemys) when seating, that is, takes a place that other, most honorable guests deserve, will to some extent discredit himself in the eyes of public opinion. That’s why the Circassians like to repeat: Zhyant1ak1ueu ushymyty, uzerschyt ukyalagunsch - Do not strive for a place of honor, [and without that] they will notice what you are, [what you deserve]. In this situation, it is considered most preferable to take the place offered by the elders at the table or the owners of the house. Hence another proverb, which has a deeper meaning: Zhyant1em ush1emyku, phuefascheme, kyiplysysynsch - Do not strive for a place of honor, if you deserve it, you will get it.

The desire to give up a more honorable, comfortable place to another appears, on the one hand, as a symptom of good manners, politeness, modesty, and on the other, as a deliberate demonstration of these properties. When the second takes precedence over the first, these actions become ostentatious, protracted, and are quite rightly condemned by the people. And this critical attitude towards etiquette, or more precisely, towards its perversions, found a corresponding expression in the proverb, which no, no, and even anyone will screw up during the seating process: Adygem t1ysyn dymyukhyure k1uezhyg'uer koos - Adygs, before we have time to sit down, it’s time to disperse.

There are many other speech and non-speech standards of communication, determined by the “older-younger” relationship. We will learn about some of them in subsequent sections of the book. Now let us note that the veneration of elders is a custom that originates in ancient times; it is to some extent a rudiment of the primitive gerontocracy of old power (See Zolotarev, 1932, 42), more or less successfully integrated into the etiquette of all peoples of the globe, and this must not be forgotten.

Respect for elders is introduced into the consciousness of the Circassians as the highest principle, following which one can achieve success in life and win the authority of the people. Hence a whole ensemble of proverbs and instructions such as: Nehyyzhyr g'el'ap1i ui shkh'er l'ap1e hunshch - Honor the Elder, you yourself will become revered; Zi nekhyyzh food1ue and 1uehu mek1uate - He who listens to the elder in business succeeds; Nekhyzhym zhyant1er eishch - The eldest has a place of honor.

We see the same thing among Indians, Chinese, and Japanese. In the ancient Indian code of conduct rules “The Laws of Manu” there are the following points:
"119. You should not sit on a box or on a seat used by a senior; the one who occupies a box or seat, standing up, let him greet him.
120. After all, the vital forces are about to leave the young man when the older one approaches; he restores them again by standing up and greeting.
121. He who has the habit of greeting, always honoring his elders, increases the four longevity, wisdom, glory and strength" (Laws of Manu, I960, 42).

Among the Xiao Chinese, the principle of honoring elders is an important part of the Li code of customary law. Also among the Japanese, “reverence for parents, and more in a broad sense submission to the will of elders... the most important moral duty of a person” (Ovchinnikov, 1975, 67). Hence the use of emphatically low bows and special grammatical forms of politeness for names and verbs when dealing with elders.

If we turn to the legends and traditions that have come down to us since ancient times, we will find that the Circassians possessed many virtues and exceptional qualities, including chivalry, self-esteem, wisdom and intelligence. They were also famous for their bravery and horsemanship. National education ennobled their souls, tempered their moral spirit and taught them to endure the fatigue and difficulties of wars and long journeys. The sons of the Circassian nobility were required to be able to entertain guests, breed horses, sleep on outdoors, where the saddle served as a pillow. They lived a simple, truly austere life, abstaining from all sensitivity. Thanks to this upbringing, they acquired moral immunity and resilience and could endure severe frosts and heat calmly. As a result, they became a people who possessed the best human qualities.

Our grandfathers were famous for their resilience and tenacity, but after they were attacked by such wild peoples, like the Mongols, Tatars, Huns, Kalmyks and others, they lost these qualities and were forced to leave their lands and hide in the mountains and deep gorges. Sometimes they had to spend months or even years in deserted places, which eventually led to their degradation. Moreover, they had neither the time nor the necessary calm environment to engage in useful peaceful activities and enjoy the fruits of modern civilization.

Such was their position during the dark years marked by tyranny and insecurity. The struggle against the barbarians weakened them and led to their virtues being forgotten. They vegetated in poverty, having wasted all the skills in the crafts that they had learned from the Greeks when they were still Christians.

The ancient Circassians were admired by their neighbors for their military valor, horsemanship and beautiful clothing. They were fond of horse riding and kept the best breeds of horses. It was not difficult for them to jump on or off a horse at full gallop, or to pick up a ring or coin from the ground. The Circassians were also extremely skilled at target archery. To this day, our men, young and old, are partial to weapons. Anyone who gets a good saber or gun considers himself lucky. They say that our grandfathers believed that the ability to handle weapons was among the first duties of a man and that carrying weapons developed in a person excellent posture, grace in movement and speed in running.

When the Circassians gathered for war, they chose leaders from their ranks and entrusted them with command of the army, according to their traditions. In most cases, they fought on horseback and did not have any pre-conceived plan to follow. The commander acted impromptu, according to the circumstances and depending on the speed of his own reaction at decisive moments. These were capable, brave people who were not afraid of danger.

The Adygs were famous not only for their military courage, they were proud of their personal qualities, their weapons and courage. Anyone who showed cowardice or timidity or fear of death on the battlefield was subject to general contempt and was treated as an outcast. In this case, he was forced to wear a long dirty hat, sat astride a leper horse and exposed to people who greeted him with evil ridicule. The bravest warriors disputed the right to occupy the front lines of positions. They suddenly attacked their enemies, scattering them and infiltrating their ranks.

In addition to exceptional courage, the Circassians also possessed other fighting qualities. They were distinguished by their ability to fight at high altitudes in the mountains and on narrow isthmuses, maneuverability and speed in places where others would experience serious difficulties, and also knew how to choose a position in deep gorges and dense forests.

As a weapon in those distant times in its offensive and defensive battles they used swords, long spears, arrows, clubs, heavy armor, shields, etc. Vanity gave rise to courage, fearlessness and risk-taking, and their extreme self-confidence and self-esteem gave them unlimited personal freedom. However, they were modest, far from lust and base desires. The only things they were proud of were courage and military victories. Judging by our traditions, we can conclude that lies and treachery were alien to our forefathers. They made any sacrifice to keep their oaths, promises and loyalty to friendship. Due to their ingenuity, they attached such an importance to these things that is unlikely to be found anywhere else. Among their virtues were such as hospitality and a sense of responsibility for the life and property of the guest.

These noble customs remained unchanged despite the disasters and difficulties that befell subsequent generations. The guest is still considered sacred, and is still received as an honorary member of the family. The host must greet his guest with the greatest respect and treat him the best dishes and drinks, and when a guest leaves the house, the owner is obliged to accompany him and protect him from harm. In addition, everyone was ready to provide help to those who needed it, for this was considered the duty of every person. Asking for help from others was not considered shameful or humiliating, and mutual aid was common in activities such as building houses and harvesting crops. If any needy wanderer found refuge with them, he was allowed to obtain money through illegal means so that he could improve his situation. But such tolerance lasted only a short period of time, after which he was asked to stop such actions.

The Adygs were also noted for their shyness. After the wedding ceremony, the groom did not take the bride directly to his house, but left her for some time in the house of one of his friends, who escorted her to her husband’s house with numerous gifts. And when she went to her husband's house, her father usually sent a trusted person with her, who returned to him a year later with appropriate gifts. The bride's head was covered with a thin embroidered veil, which, after the allotted time, was removed by a man nicknamed “the one who lifts the veil”: he did this deftly and quickly with the help of a sharp arrow.

The woman had beautiful things in society social status, since she was the owner and mistress of the house, and although the Circassians converted to Islam at the end of the 19th century, cases of polygamy and divorce were rare.

Despite the fact that the husband had the right to demand the complete obedience of his wife, and did not allow him to contradict himself or leave the house without his permission, she still had her own personal rights, and she enjoyed the boundless respect of her husband and sons. Thanks to the mutual respect between them, the husband had no right to beat or scold her. When meeting a woman, the rider usually dismounted and followed her respectfully, he was supposed to help her or serve her if she needed it.

The woman usually raised her children until the age of six, after. whereupon they passed into the hands of men, who taught them the art of riding and archery. First, the child was given a knife, with which he learned to hit a target, then he was given a dagger, then a bow and arrows.

When a husband died, the wife, according to custom, visited his grave every day for forty days and spent some time there. This custom was called the “custom of sitting at the grave,” but it was subsequently forgotten.

The sons of princes usually immediately after birth were sent to be raised in noble houses; a noble man who was given the honor of raising the son of his prince and master considered himself lucky. In the house where he was raised, everyone called the prince's son "kan", and he remained there for seven years. When he turned sixteen, he was dressed in the best clothes, mounted on the best horse, given best weapon and returned to his father’s house, which he had never been to before.

The return of the young prince to his father's house was a great event, associated with many formalities and conventions, since the prince had to give gifts to the person who raised his son. He sent him servants, horses and cattle, according to his position and generosity. Thus, the relationship between the prince and his trusted vassal was very close, and the former did not hesitate to comply with any requests of the latter.

All this reminds us of the man who raised our legendary national hero Andemirkan, who fell at the hands of Prince Beslan, and of the treacherous servant, through whose fault he fell unarmed into a trap. Prince

Beslan, famous for its resourcefulness, began to fear young hero, who began to compete with him, threatening his life and throne. Since no one could oppose him in open combat, Beslan treacherously killed him. According to legend, one day the prince went hunting in a cart pulled by his servants, since due to his enormous size he could neither ride a horse nor walk. During the hunt, Andemirkan, eager to show his abilities, drove several wild boars out of the forest and drove them straight to the prince’s cart so that it would be easier for him to hunt. Then he drove a huge boar towards the cart, and when it was very close to the cart, he sent a deadly arrow at it, which pinned the boar to one of the wheels. The prince saw in this act audacity and challenge. He decided to kill Andemirkan by conspiring with his vassal. They killed him when he was unarmed.

As for the prince's daughters, who were also brought up in noble houses, they entered their father's houses only as guests, and when they got married, their bride price (wasa) was given to those who raised them.

Thus, princely children were brought up in noble houses, where they learned basic norms of behavior, customs and traditions. They were introduced to the rules of the Khabz, an unwritten set of moral and social rules that were observed under all circumstances. It was these rules that determined the rights and responsibilities of each person, group or class of people. Everyone, regardless of position, had to adhere to them, since any deviation from them was considered shameful and impermissible.

However, these rules were supplemented or changed according to circumstances. Here I would like to note that the famous national thinker Kazanoko Zhabagi, who raised Grand Duke Kaituko Aslanbek, a contemporary of Peter the Great, was the last to amend this set of rules.

Until recently, every Circassian usually adhered to these rules, carefully observing them, treating them with respect and not violating them. They are the basis of the secret of Circassian heroism, as they teach courage, patience, fearlessness and other virtues. And although there are a lot of them, and they are not written down anywhere, everyone knew them and followed them. For their sake, young people, especially from the nobility, risked their lives, deprived themselves of sleep and were content with the most insignificant amounts of food and drink. They never sat down and smoked in the presence of their elders, they never started a conversation first. Circassians never quarreled with a woman, did not utter swear words, or disturb their neighbors. Life itself could not be imagined without observing these rules. Any disobedience to them was considered shameful /heinape/. A person was not supposed to be greedy in food, had no right to break promises, embezzle money that did not belong to him, or show cowardice on the battlefield. He should not have fled from the enemy, neglected his duties towards his parents, or kept for himself booty captured in war or game killed in a hunt. A Circassian was not supposed to be talkative and allow himself obscene jokes. Thus, these rules were aimed at making a person fearless, polite, gallant, courageous and generous, that is, freeing him from all human shortcomings.

It was also considered a disgrace for a man to kiss his son in someone's presence, to pronounce the name of his wife, and for a woman to pronounce the name of her husband. She should have given him a name or nickname that showed her respect for him. These laws demanded to be above base sensuality, severity and severity towards children. It was for this reason that many princes did not know their sons and did not see them until the latter reached adulthood.

It was also considered shameful to sit, smoke or drink in the presence of the father, or to eat at the same table with him. This set of rules taught everyone how to eat, how to talk, how to sit, how to greet each other and determined the place, rights and responsibilities of every person in society. Without observing them, one could not be a real gentleman. The word Adyghe literally means gentleman; in the national language it also means the name of our people.

However, this set of rules allowed men to have contact with women, and boys and girls could dance in accordance with the rules of etiquette. In the same way, it was not considered shameful for a young man to accompany a girl from one village to another on the same horse in order to get to wedding ceremony or horse racing. Women enjoyed full rights and held an honorable place in society, and although Islam allows polygamy, this practice was very rare among the Circassians.

Rules (Khabza). This was also observed by bards, who were usually simple people without education, but who had poetic talent and great abilities in rhetoric and oratory. They traveled on horseback from place to place to read their poems and take part in wars and long journeys. Bards usually gave speeches and recited impromptu poetry before the start of battle to encourage the fighters and remind them of the duty and glorious deeds of their grandfathers.

After the spread of Islam among the Circassians, the number of “troubadours” constantly decreased, and soon they disappeared completely, leaving only a good memory of themselves and a few works of art. Their songs and poems were distinguished by true artistic merit and not only entertained people, but also helped to educate them. We must express our gratitude to them for our knowledge of the events, traditions and examples of prowess of bygone centuries, and the fact of their disappearance is truly regrettable.

According to the rules (Khabza), young men had to breed thoroughbred horses. This type of activity was the main occupation of young people, especially princely sons, who spent long winter nights in the saddle in the open air in the pastures, dressed in burkas. The Kabardians were more interested in horse breeding than others, and their horse breeds were the best in Russia and the East, second only to Arabian horses. Until recently, the Kabardians supplied the Russian army with a large number of excellent horses, since Russia had about two hundred cavalry divisions.

On national holidays, young people competed in riding, as they were very fond of sports, especially wrestling and horse riding. Their favorite pastime was a game involving horseman and foot soldiers. The latter, armed with sticks and whips, stood in a circle, and the rider had to attack them and break through inside the circle. The pedestrians prevented him from doing this, inflicting heavy blows. This continued until either side achieved success.

Wedding ceremonies took place according to special rules and rituals. They lasted several days and were expensive. But the gifts presented to the groom by his relatives and friends somewhat alleviated his expenses.

Dance evenings were called “jegu” and were performed by persons who had the right to do so according to customs and traditions. They had the right to expel from the dance anyone who behaved in an unworthy manner. Wealthy people gave them gifts. At the evenings, boys and girls stood respectfully in a circle while others clapped their hands. Inside this circle they danced in pairs, no more than one pair at a time, and the girls played musical instruments.

The young man chose the girls with whom he wanted to dance. Thus, these evenings gave boys and girls the opportunity to get to know each other better, strengthen the bonds of friendship and love, which served as the first step towards marriage. At the height of the dancing, the men fired pistols into the air as a sign of joy and respect for the dancing couple.

We have many dances that require skill and perfection. Among them are kafa, uj, lezginka, hesht and lo-kuazhe, which are both decorous and beautiful. Large dance evenings were held in the open air, where horsemen appeared and tried to interfere with the dancing, and then they were given simple gifts: silk flags and scarves, sheep skin and fur. The riders retired and held competitions in which these things were given away as prizes.

Music occupied an important place in national holidays or celebrations of the birth of a child. Among the Circassians, musical instruments such as the harp, guitar and flute were popular, but later they were supplanted by the harmonica,

Young girls were fond of playing musical instruments, composed poems, read them impromptu, and addressed young men with rhymed couplets. They freely communicated with men, despite the disapproval of the ministers of the Muslim religion, but after marriage they no longer attended dances, but stayed at home. Until recently, young women did housework, received guests and waited on them, embroidered and did other similar work, but these activities were supplanted by more ordinary everyday housework and mental labor, because modern household appliances led to the extinction of those wonderful traditions.

Circassians / that is, Adygs / have been engaged in agriculture since ancient times: they sowed grains, such as corn, barley, wheat, millet, and also planted vegetables. Our language has names for all grains except rice. After the harvest, before disposing of the new harvest, they performed certain rituals, since it was necessary to say prayers and spells, after which a feast was prepared from the new harvest, to which relatives and friends were invited. After this, it was possible to dispose of this harvest; donations were allocated for the poor and needy, and the surplus was sold. In addition to farming, our forefathers raised large cattle and horses, and since in ancient times there was no money, they carried out barter trade and exchanged livestock, fabrics, clothing and other goods for grain.

Their clothes were similar to our modern outfit, which is called “Circassian”; men wore a “kelpak” made of soft fur and a hood on their heads, and a “burka” made of felt on their shoulders. They also wore long and short boots, fur, sandals and thick cotton clothing.

Women wore a long robe made of cotton or muslin and a short silk dress called "beshmet", as well as other clothes. The bride's head was decorated with an embroidered hat trimmed with fur; she wore this cap until the birth of her first child. Only her husband’s uncle, the paternal uncle, had the right to remove it, but only on the condition that he gave the newborn generous gifts, including money and cattle, after which the child’s mother took off her cap and tied a silk scarf around her head. Elderly women covered their heads with white cotton scarves.

From the earliest times, the Circassians used to build rectangular houses. Typically, four families were given a square plot of land to build four houses on, one in each corner.

The space in the center was reserved for carts and livestock. These buildings resembled some ancient fortresses in the country of the Circassians. Guest houses were built away from the houses of the nobility and at a certain distance from the princely houses. The ruins of old buildings and the houses that are now being built in our homeland convince us that our forefathers built fortresses and castles for military purposes with great skill and ingenuity.

The excessive pride of the Circassians was caused by their highly developed sense of self-esteem. Therefore, it was difficult for them to endure the insult, and they did everything possible to avenge themselves. If a murder occurred, then not only the murderer, but also his entire family and his relatives became a target for revenge.

The death of his father could not be left without revenge. And if the killer wanted to avoid her, he had to, himself or with the help of his friends, adopt a boy from the family of the deceased and raise him as his son. Subsequently, he returned the young man to his father's house with honors, providing him with the best clothes, weapons and horses.

The punishment for murder was death, the sentence was usually passed by the people themselves, the murderer was thrown into the river, after having previously tied several stones to him 14.

The Adygs were divided into several social classes, the most important of which was the class of princes /pshi/. The other classes were the noble class and the common people class.

Representatives of the nobility (Uzdeni or Warki) differed from other classes in their culture, attractive appearance and strict adherence to the principles of good upbringing. Young people had enormous respect for their elders.

The princes occupied the highest position and exercised executive power. With the help of the nobility, they carried out decisions and instructions adopted by a majority vote at the people's council. The prince was looked upon as a saint whom every person, regardless of his position, had to serve and seek his favor. Without hesitation, everyone could sacrifice themselves for the sake of the prince, since from the earliest times it was known that princes are the protectors of the people (this is the meaning of the word pshi in our language). They had many supporters and followers in all layers of society. A folk song confirms this by declaring: "In adversity, our princes are our fortresses." Despite their high position, holiness and the fact that they owned all the lands and what was on them, the princes were extremely modest. They treated members of other classes as equals, showing neither pride nor boasting. That is why the people deified and loved them. The princes, despite their power and greatness, lived in modest dwellings and were content with simple food. In most cases, the prince was satisfied with a piece of boiled meat and oatmeal bread, and the famous buza served as his drink.

Thus, the powerful ruler did not own anything for himself, and his condition was such that people usually said: “The salamander brings food for the prince,” meaning that he himself did not know where it came from.

However, he received everything he needed from his supporters and followers. In return, he had to fulfill the requests of his subjects and protect them from attacks. Any of his subjects or supporters had the right to come to him at any time to sit with him and share his food and drink. The prince was not supposed to hide anything from his subjects and was supposed to give them generous gifts. If his subject liked some thing, for example a weapon, and he asked for it, the prince never refused it. Because of their generosity in donating personal clothing, princes were rarely as dressed as their subjects. They had to wear simple, ordinary clothes.

The Circassian country had no administrative divisions, and its people were not subject to strict laws. In most cases, people had to defend their freedom themselves and hated any manifestation of strict authority and despotic rulers. The people instinctively had an aversion to obeying strict orders, for they believed that absolute, unlimited personal freedom was greatest gift God to humanity and, therefore, everyone had a right to it.

And yet, discipline and calm reigned in the family and in society. Authority in the family was determined by age and gender. Thus, children obeyed their father, a wife obeyed her husband, and a sister obeyed her brother, etc. Everyone was free to choose their homeland and build a house for themselves where and when they wanted. Traditions had the force of law, they were obeyed in all civil matters, and disobedience to them was considered a crime.

The elders convened public assemblies when there was a need to think about and discuss serious issues. Their decisions were considered indisputable and were obeyed without question.

As for legislation, here the princes presented draft laws and regulations to the council of elders, which was convened to discuss the proposed projects. If the council approved a proposal, it was passed on to the council of nobles, which, like the council of elders, studied and considered the proposals to ensure their usefulness.

Even in ancient times, our people joined progress and civilization. The Circassians armed fortresses and castles, built walls around their cities to repel attacks by wild peoples. In addition, they were engaged in crafts, including the production of iron, which they mined on their land and from which they made household utensils, such as mugs, cups and barrels, as well as military weapons: swords, shields, etc.

Monuments that still stand in old cemeteries and depict heroes, horsemen and nobles with shields, helmets, swords and other armor, as well as inscriptions and carvings (of hands, swords, armor, boots, etc.) that we find on the rocks, convincingly show us how our grandfathers succeeded in carving, sculpture, drawing and other types of fine arts.

Many ancient sculptures were discovered on the banks of the Lesken River in Kabarda. Most of them are works of art in memory of heroes and princes. The names carved on these sculptures coincide with the names of the heroes mentioned in our traditions and legends.

As for the ancient buildings that still exist in the country of the Circassians, they were built when the people were under the influence of Greek civilization, and we still find the remains of churches that were built in the Greek style. One of these churches is located on the banks of the Kuban River, and the other two lie between the Kuban and Teberda rivers. The first of these is known as "shuune", which means "house of the horseman", and one of the other two is known as "hasa ​​miwa", which means "stone of the judge." It is said that there is a rock in it with the image of a dog's foot and a horse's shoe, and that there was a narrow hole in the rock through which the guilt or innocence of the accused was determined. Every suspect was forced to pass through this hole, and it was claimed that the innocent passed through it freely, no matter how obese they were, while the guilty could not pass, no matter their size.

The Circassians usually visited the Dzhulat castle near the Malka River, where they took oaths, asked for forgiveness from God, and made sacrifices in the name of reconciliation between warring brothers or friends when a quarrel broke out between them. If two brothers were in a quarrel and wanted to make peace, each of them went to this castle, taking with him a bow and arrows. And on this sacred place they took hold of different ends of the arrow, and each took an oath not to deceive, not to harm or to quarrel with the other. Then they broke the arrow and returned as two true friends. It is known that after this place was occupied for some time by the Tatar prince Kodzha Berdikhan, the Kabardians began to call it Tatartup.

One of the most interesting places in Kabarda is Nart-Sano, which is located in the city of Kislovodsk, and where the source of mineral waters originates.

This place plays a significant role in ancient folk songs and stories. The ancient Circassians deified this place and drank from its source. They called it “the water of heroes” or “the source of the sledges,” which we have already talked about. When the Narts wanted to drink from this source, they gathered in the house of their leader, who was the eldest and most noble of them, and a yellow bull was tied to the door of the guest house, which was to be sacrificed. Then they lit six torches, said prayers and spells, and sang songs in which they praised the source of the heroes: “The time has come. Let us go and drink from the fountain of heroes!”

From the shores of the Black Sea far east to the forested Chechnya, since time immemorial, the Circassians, or Adygs, as they call themselves, have lived. The space of the Adyghe peoples was a space of rich and unique culture. It was a special world that made a great impression on Europeans. The desire for freedom and independence, the preservation of one’s customs, identity, one’s system of moral and ethnic values ​​largely determined the need for the emergence of such institutions, which were quite perfect in all respects, such as hospitality, kunachestvo, twinning and, in general, the entire Adyghe etiquette.

The Adygs are very important to their language and the Adyg ethics are humanity, respect, reason, courage and honor!

The modern life of the Adygs is very different from those times when almost the entire life of the people was permeated with numerous rituals, many of them have sunk into the summer, some have changed, but there are those that the Adygs strictly follow in this fast-moving age technical progress, these are rituals associated with the birth of a person.

"The Birth of Man"

When a child is born in a family, a flag is hung on the roof of the house in honor of the birth of the child. If a girl is born, then the flag is made of variegated fabric, and if a boy is born, then the fabric is plain, usually red. The flag symbolizes that the child is alive, the mother is alive, that everything is fine. Everyone celebrates the birth of a person. This is the price of a person's birth when he is born. In honor of the birth of a child, a tree is planted throughout the year. The tree is planted by my paternal grandfather in my father's yard. The child will water the tree, take care of it, rejoice when it blooms, bears fruit, and sheds leaves. And raising a child grows along with the tree, as part of this nature. A child is not a foreign phenomenon, but one with nature. Man is part of the environment.

Only after birth is a cradle made of wood in which the baby is rocked. The Adygs do not prepare anything in advance until the birth of the child. The bedding is prepared by the mother's parents, it is said that if the bedding is prepared by the father's family, then she or he will not be happy in marriage. The cat is placed first in the cradle, not the baby, so that the baby also sleeps soundly. As a rule, the child is placed in the cradle by his paternal grandmother two weeks after his birth.

Everything in the life of the Adygs is sung from birth to death. The lullaby sings of images of the future Adyghe! Grandmother rocks the cradle and sings a song about how brave he will be, how generous he will be, what a good hunter he will become. They sing to the girl, what a beauty she will be, what a smart girl she will be, what a needlewoman she will be, what a kind mother, it is sung in a highly poetic form.

“The First Step” or “Stand on the Earth”

When the baby begins to walk, the family organizes the “First Step” ceremony. Many guests are invited to this solemn event, a festive table is prepared, games and dances are organized. The baby’s legs are tied with a ribbon, and the eldest representative of the family cuts it with scissors with the words: “Grow strong and healthy baby.” This is done so that in the future nothing will prevent the baby from moving forward.

Next, a ceremony is carried out to determine the child’s future profession. Various objects are placed on the table - books, pens, money and various tools. Then the baby is brought to the table three times and if in all cases he takes the same object, then this is a sign when choosing his profession.

Round, sweet, hard bread is baked with milk, but not yeast - this is a symbol of the Earth's firmament. This bread is placed on a round ritual Adyghe table with three legs and the baby is placed with one leg and carefully cut out around the leg. This piece of bread is given to the baby to eat, and the rest of the bread is divided into small pieces by children and adults. Everyone should try a piece of this bread to support the baby’s confident life so that he does not stumble in life.

"Shaving a child for the first time"

This holiday is held by the father's parents. Girls and boys' hair is not cut until they are one year old. The hair that a child is born with is called “Mouse Hair.” After a year, you need to officially shave off your hair. A person of flexible character and businesslike nature is invited. A string is placed around the grandmother's lap and the child is placed on this string. If you shave according to the ritual, it is believed that wavy hair will grow. The person who shaves is subsequently considered to supervise the child’s life and accompany him through life.

"The first tooth fell out"

Until all your baby teeth fall out, you can’t just throw them away. The fallen tooth and one piece of charcoal are wrapped in a plain white rag and thrown over the roof of the house. No one is watching the bag, it hits the roof or flies over the roof.

"Girls' Room Institute"

For the stability of the family, the Adygs initially provided freedom of choice to young people and girls. For this purpose, the Adygs have the “Girl’s Room Institute”. The girl goes out for holidays, weddings, and in the evening she is psychologically ready to accept everyone who wants to talk to her, get to know her, get married, and she receives everyone in this girl’s room. A young man comes to get to know the girl better, and the girl receives everyone who comes as dear guests. This ritual lasts from adulthood until marriage. A young man proposes. He can go to one, to the second, to the third, and choose a bride for himself. At the same time, no one is offended, she also accepts everyone and chooses up to a couple before the time, but she chooses from those who proposed to her, and he chooses from those whom he sees and with whom he communicates. And so, he made a choice! He comes with a friend on a specially designated day and proposes to this girl. He asks: “You promised to think, tell me how my fate is decided in your fate?” If a girl doesn’t like the groom, then she doesn’t give reasons and doesn’t offend him and, for example, says: “I can’t marry you, I don’t deserve you, I have a man to whom I gave my word.” He refuses very delicately.

When both parties agree, the guy asks to set a wedding day. The guy asks to set, the girl sets the wedding day. On the appointed day, the escort arrives. But everyone doesn’t come into the house and asks the bride: “You gave your word, do you confirm your word about marriage?” A girl at this level can change her mind. The main idea is that the girl is given the right to choose, so that there will be no return later, because the Adygs are very difficult to get divorced, divorce is almost prohibited, because... It was time to choose.
The bride's parents and the groom himself are not present at the wedding. He enters the house as a husband.

All traditions are recorded and passed on from generation to generation.

All over the world, every nation has special customs and principles of how to welcome a guest. As is known, Caucasian peoples have always been distinguished by their hospitality. And not always someone could compete with them in the ability to greet a guest with dignity and grace.

In the 19th century, the English writer and journalist John Longworth traveled through the North Caucasus. He described his most vivid impressions in his books: “To become a respected person in Circassia, you need to know only 3 rules: courage, the ability to reason wisely and, most importantly, to greet the guest generously and beautifully.”

More than 300 years have passed since the owner of the Dominican Order and monk Jean de Luc wrote: “No one can outshine the Circassians in hospitality and humanity!”

Many words of praise were said regarding the hospitality of the Circassians by government officials. “Providing hospitality to a guest is the main feature of the Circassians, regardless of whether there is an enemy on the doorstep or a friend. Even the poorest will treat as a rich man would treat in another place,” wrote Lieutenant Colonel, Baron - K.F. Steel in 1849 in his book “Ethnographic sketch of the Circassian people.”

Among the Circassians, it was considered bad form to be unable to fully satisfy a guest's hunger, otherwise the family could be disgraced in front of the entire street. The Circassians, famous for their hospitality throughout the world, have always respected their customs and attached great importance to them.

Many famous figures of the Circassian people, such as Tembot Kerashev, Barasbiy Bgazhnokov, Mikhail Mizhaev, Raya Mamkhyagova and many others, wrote about hospitality and the rules of good manners at the table.

In the old days, any Circassian who respected their traditions was obliged to have a guest house (khachesh) in their yard. It was located separately, not far from the owner’s house. Inside there was a small room, which was always perfectly cleaned and ready to receive guests. The Circassians themselves placed their houses far from the gates in order to avoid attacks from enemies.

No matter who knocked on the door of the Circassian house, the owner was obliged to meet everyone. But it cannot be said that the owner treated all guests equally kindly.

Based on this, the degree and importance of the guest was divided as follows:

1. dear guest;

2. female guest;

3. male guest;

4. a guest who will live in the guest room;

5. the most welcome guest;

6. long-awaited guest;

7. a guest who did not give his name;

8. guests and relatives of the bride, if there is one in the family;

9. guest-foreigner;

10. a guest who was invited to visit;

11. uninvited guest;

12. guest-enemy (even the Circassians did not have the right to refuse).

In the distant past, people traveled exclusively on horses. If the rider needed to go to a neighboring village, he still harnessed the horse. The women traveled on a cart, which was beautifully decorated.

When the rider approached the gate, he used his whip to signal the horse to stop, and so that the inhabitants of the house would hear about it. The guest was greeted very cordially and taken into the house with honor.

If the guests did not intend to sit for a long time, they did not tie the horse to the stall. Even from the way he hung the whip on the nail, it was clear how long the guest would stay: if the whip was hung so that it hung to the floor, it meant that the guest had time and would stay the night. And if the whip was hung folded, it meant that the guest had little time and would soon leave after resting and eating.

The woman was not brought into khachesh. The most comfortable and beautiful room was always reserved for her (thus one can once again be convinced that the Circassians showed deep respect to the woman).

If the guest was satisfied with the way he was received, he rode away from the house, pointing the horse's head towards the owner's gate. If the guest was dissatisfied with something, he immediately drove away, turning his back to the owners. In this case, it was a shame for the family, and subsequently all the neighbors could say about them that they could not satisfy even one guest.

If you start listing all the rules that the Circassians followed for caring for guests, you could write a whole book about it. But here we will focus only on the rules that the Circassians follow today in relation to their guests:

1. The Circassians believed that a guest is a gift from God, so in no case should one in any way make the guest feel that he was unwanted.

2. Any person who said: “I am an Adyghe” considered it an honor to meet the guest with dignity. Even if the hosts did not have anything that could be put on the table, he did not have to hide anything from the guest: everything that was there had to be put on the table.

3. Every guest, no matter who he is, needs to say: “Welcome”! You cannot show by any of your actions that it is time for the guest to go home.

4. You should never refuse hospitality, neither young nor old, nor loved ones, nor enemies. The ancestors of the Circassians said: “There are no extra guests.”

5. If many guests arrived, then those who arrived from afar were always given special honor. As the old Circassian proverb says: “A distant guest is more valuable than a close one.”

6. Our ancestors always had houses for guests (khacheshi). Nowadays, even if there are no such haches, there should always be an extra room for guests.

7. It is indecent to keep a guest on the threshold for a long time; you must immediately, after greeting them, lead them into the house.

8. The guest must be seated in a place of honor, which is reserved for elders. Even if the guest is younger, the owner cannot sit next to him until he gives him permission.

10. In ancient times, it was impossible to ask a guest who he was and on what issue he came. You could only ask after three days. Now this is no longer relevant. Now the guest must be asked who he is and help if he is in trouble.

11. Guests must not be left alone in the room. If you still need to go out, then you must definitely leave one of the residents of the house so that the guest does not feel unwanted.

12. You cannot make a guest wait for a long time to eat. Even if the family has nothing to eat, neighbors will come to the rescue. The Circassians believed that “if someone has a guest on the street, then he is a common guest.”

13. Today, even alcohol is served on the table for guests. But putting modern alcoholic drinks on the table is too dangerous. It is better to put on the table a drink that replaced alcohol among the Circassians - makhsima.

14. In ancient times, if men and women went to visit together, they were never seated next to each other. Women immediately went to the kitchen or to a separate room. The reason for this was that, for aesthetic reasons, Circassian women did not want men to see the process of eating.

15. In ancient times, the youngest residents of the house had to bring a towel, water, a basin and soap to guests before meals, so that the guest would not be bothered to go outside.

16. There always had to be careful care at the table; one of the younger ones in the house always had to monitor whether the guest had a fork, spoon, or whether the guest’s mug was filled. The owner of the house could not finish the meal first. If this happened, then he thereby made it clear to the guest that he could finish eating. It was indecent.

17. Circassians always first seated the youngest in the family - children - at the table so that they would not feel hungry, and only then set the table for the guests.

18. You should never decide family affairs in the presence of a guest - this is the height of disrespect for him.

19. The guest’s clothes must be ensured that they are clean; if necessary, shoes should be washed if they are dirty.

20. When the time comes for guests to leave, under no circumstances should you show them that you are happy about their departure.

21. If a guest was dear and long-awaited, the Circassians always gave him gifts. The guest must always be escorted to the gate and wait until the guest leaves.

The proud people of the North Caucasus, the Circassians (Adygeis, Circassians, Kabardians) are distinguished by rich traditions and customs.

Marriage occupies a huge place in the life of an Adyghe and this event is enriched with many customs and rituals. The entire marriage procedure consists of several stages, such as matchmaking, viewing a house, registering a marriage, traveling for ransom (kalym), the bride’s arrival at the groom’s house, identifying a young girl in a “someone else’s house,” introducing a young bride to a “big house” and other.

Wedding traditions of the Circassians

The ceremony of matchmaking among the Circassians could begin after the girl whom the guy was meeting gave some kind of symbolic gift to the young man or explicitly hinted that she was not against him sending matchmakers to her house.

After the matchmaking, the girl’s clan sent its representatives(not necessarily relatives) inspect the groom’s house and draw appropriate conclusions about the wealth and well-being of the future groom’s family. Only after the representatives of the girl’s clan made sure of the well-being of the groom’s house could it be said that the wedding preparations would continue. Therefore, after some time, the groom’s relatives visited the girl’s parents with purely symbolic gifts.

Adyghe wedding

Marriage among the Circassians was concluded in writing according to Muslim custom, and this marriage document was kept in the house of the bride’s parents. When the marriage was concluded, effends, trusted girls and boys, as well as witnesses were present. Everyone had to wear a hat. Marriage registration or nechyhyyyth took place in the house of the bride's parents. After concluding the marriage contract, the parties agreed on exact date , when the girl’s side could come for the bride price. Kalym or wase consisted of one horse and cattle.

This was followed by a solemn event, conducted by the thamada. An atmosphere of sincerity and sublimity reigned over the table. A young man was serving the table. It should be said that at weddings or other events the Circassians drank only from a large common bowl (fal'e), which went around the circle. After the bride price was paid, the bride (nysashe) was brought in. This was accompanied by great celebrations; in fact, the Adyghe traditional wedding began with this. On the way to the bride's house, the groom's riders faced all sorts of difficulties and trials. And when they arrived at the bride’s house, the horsemen were greeted with stakes and clubs; everyone except the thamada got it. But as soon as one of the horsemen broke into the house of the bride’s parents, everyone calmed down and greeted those who arrived with hospitality. The guests were treated. Then the bride left the house; she did not have to look back, stumble, cross the threshold, and so on. The bride and the girl sat in the carriage, who came along with the riders to pick up the bride. The bride's side, as the purity, innocence and good manners of the girl, presented the thamada with a red banner or red material. But the young woman was not taken straight to the house of the groom’s parents. She was assigned to “someone else’s house” (teshe). This was usually the house of the groom's maternal uncle. In “someone else’s house,” the newlywed was not only entertained, but also given all sorts of tests. After some time, the bride was given the ceremony of uneishe - bringing the newlywed into the big house, that is, into the groom's house.